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		<title>Information Influence in AI-Assisted Hybrid Warfare in the U.S. Industrial Complex</title>
		<link>https://globalsecurityreview.com/information-influence-in-ai-assisted-hybrid-warfare-in-the-u-s-industrial-complex/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Greg Sharpe]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 07 Jul 2026 11:55:25 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[AI & Deterrence]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://globalsecurityreview.com/?p=32876</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Published: July 7, 2026 Abstract Artificial Intelligence (AI)-assisted hybrid warfare increasingly relies on information-influence engineered to appear legitimate. The objective is not mass persuasion through provocatively aggressive propaganda, but the slow erosion of trust in the systems that coordinate production, finance, logistics, standards, and alliances. This article frames how agentic and semi-autonomous AI can enable [&#8230;]</p>
<p><a href="https://globalsecurityreview.com/information-influence-in-ai-assisted-hybrid-warfare-in-the-u-s-industrial-complex/">Information Influence in AI-Assisted Hybrid Warfare in the U.S. Industrial Complex</a> was originally published on <a href="https://globalsecurityreview.com">Global Security Review</a>.</p>
]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><em>Published: July 7, 2026</em></p>
<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p>
<p>Artificial Intelligence (AI)-assisted hybrid warfare increasingly relies on information-influence engineered to appear legitimate. The objective is not mass persuasion through provocatively aggressive propaganda, but the slow erosion of trust in the systems that coordinate production, finance, logistics, <a href="https://informationsecurity.info/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/jp3_13.pdf">standards, and alliances</a>. This article frames how agentic and semi-autonomous AI can enable integrated campaigns that fracture confidence, disrupt institutional tempo, and steadily unplug the U.S. industrial complex from <a href="https://www.nato.int/en/what-we-do/deterrence-and-defence/countering-hybrid-threats">global networks of capital, supply, and cooperation</a>. The central mechanism is the respectability engine, a method that launders destabilizing narratives through credible formats and voices, synchronizes them with operational friction, and converts <a href="https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/2020/08/18/publications-report-select-committee-intelligence-united-states-senate-russian-active-measures/">institutional reaction into proof.</a></p>
<p><strong>Introduction</strong></p>
<p>Industrial security now includes protecting the credibility of industrial data and the interpretive environment that surrounds it. Adversaries exploit seams between cyber incidents, supply chain friction, and public narrative by <a href="https://www.hybridcoe.fi/hybrid-warfare/">converting ordinary disruption into strategic doubt</a>. The next phase resembles recurring truth emergencies, where the cost is paid in slowed decisions, <a href="https://www.nationalacademies.org/projects/DBASSE-BOSE-21-02">strained partnerships</a>, and diminished confidence in reliability. Leaders are forced to operate in two areas at once: maintaining output while defending meaning. A coordinated coalition is therefore required.</p>
<p>Political leaders must enable rapid public-private action without turning each incident into theater. Industry leadership must treat integrity verification and narrative readiness as core functions that support the industrial complex&#8217;s core operating environment. Media production organizations must translate technical truth into credible public consumption before adversary framings harden it into a perceived common sense. The warning signs rarely arrive as dramatic outages. They appear as subtle shifts in data integrity, sudden narrative spikes aligned with routine friction, anonymous expert placements with thin provenance, and institutional overreactions that <a href="https://www.mitre.org/sites/default/files/2022-09/Mis-and-Disinformation-Research-Agenda-Survey.pdf">become proof </a>for the adversary.</p>
<p>Modern industrial power depends on coordinating systems that facilitate complex production to scale across time, distance, and organizational boundaries. These systems include standards regimens, logistics platforms, financial and insurance mechanisms, cloud dependencies, supplier relationships, and allied interoperability agreements. In hybrid warfare, adversaries do not need to destroy this machinery to weaken it. They merely need to degrade trust so that coordination becomes cautious, verification becomes constant, and momentum <a href="https://www.nato.int/en/what-we-do/deterrence-and-defence/countering-hybrid-threats">becomes politically risky</a>.</p>
<p><strong>The respectability engine as a strategic method</strong></p>
<p>The respectability engine is a pattern of influence operations that manufactures legitimacy for destabilizing claims. Its objective is credibility that survives long enough to shape institutional behavior. This is accomplished by <a href="https://demtech.oii.ox.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/sites/12/2021/02/CyberTroop-Report20-Draft9.pdf">embedding narratives</a> inside professional wrappers, including policy language, risk reporting, investigative aesthetics, and analytic products that appear rigorous while concealing assumptions.</p>
<p>Respectability matters because institutions react to what looks serious. Claims presented with a measured tone and selective evidence are harder to dismiss without incurring reputational costs. Once leadership reacts, the narrative gains legitimacy because the reaction itself is treated as confirmation. This is why <a href="https://informationsecurity.info/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/jp3_13.pdf">influence campaigns </a>do not require universal belief. They require procedural conversion, where suspicion becomes an audit, a policy, or a pause.</p>
<p>A respectability engine fits industrial coercion because industrial systems generate ambiguity. Delays, quality escapes, price swings, and bottlenecks are normal. A respectability engine <a href="https://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/research_reports/RR4300/RR4373z2/RAND_RR4373z2.pdf">converts normal conditions </a>into strategic messaging that frames routine friction as systemic failure. The industrial complex can remain productive while confidence in its output erodes, and that erosion can reshape markets, alliances, and oversight decisions in ways that persist after technical recovery.</p>
<p><strong>AI as the scaling layer for influence operations</strong></p>
<p>Artificial Intelligence (AI) changes the influence of information by altering scale, personalization, and iteration. <a href="https://www.anthropic.com/news/disrupting-AI-espionage">Agentic tools</a> can ingest trade reporting, procurement discourse, professional networks, and leaked data ecosystems, then map sensitivities and target audiences. They can generate tailored narrative variants for officials, investors, and industry leaders; seed them through distributed placements and persona networks; and synchronize messaging with disruptive events. Timing transforms coincidence into perceived confirmation, making minor delays or defects <a href="https://www.microsoft.com/en-ie/security/security-insider/intelligence-reports/russia-linked-operators-engaged-in-expansive-efforts-to-influence-us-voters">feel like proof</a>.</p>
<p>These functions reduce the adversary’s cost of experimentation. Message variants can be tested, tuned, and redeployed faster than institutions can coordinate a unified response. This enables persistent pressure delivered at machine tempo, and it <a href="https://nvlpubs.nist.gov/nistpubs/ai/nist.ai.100-1.pdf">exploits the gap between automation</a> and governance.</p>
<p><strong>Campaign design to degrade, fracture, and unplug</strong></p>
<p>An AI-assisted campaign aimed at unplugging the U.S. industrial complex is best understood as an accumulation of effects. The goal is degradation by gradual disconnection from global trust networks, not sudden collapse.</p>
<p>Degradation begins with perceived reliability. Isolated incidents are selectively amplified and framed as indicative of broader systemic weaknesses. Attention frequently centers on the integrity of data and coordination systems, as diminished confidence in information quality slows decision-making processes. Verification requirements increase, decision cycles lengthen, and operational tempo declines. As a result, <a href="https://www.hybridcoe.fi/hybrid-warfare/">responsiveness erodes</a> even in the absence of physical disruption or damage.</p>
<p>Fractures follow. Partners question dependence. Firms diversify. Regulators tighten. The campaign <a href="https://www.nato.int/en/what-we-do/deterrence-and-defence/countering-hybrid-threats">does not need universal belief</a>. It needs enough doubt that risk management shifts incrementally and persists, even after technical recovery occurs.</p>
<p>Unplugging happens when doubt turns into regulatory delay. Legal hesitancy increases. The burdens of insurance and compliance grow. <a href="https://www.nato.int/en/what-we-do/deterrence-and-defence/countering-hybrid-threats">Reputational risk </a>discourages collaboration. The respectability engine depicts disconnection as prudent governance and responsible resilience, making strategic isolation seem self-selected.</p>
<p><strong>Operational coupling: Influence that rides on disruption</strong></p>
<p>Influence operations are most effective when coupled with operational events, whether induced or naturally occurring. A cyber incident that delays a supplier becomes a narrative trigger. A localized quality issue becomes evidence of systemic failure. A labor dispute becomes proof of <a href="https://demtech.oii.ox.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/sites/12/2021/02/CyberTroop-Report20-Draft9.pdf">industrial decay</a>. The coupling is often correlational rather than causal. The campaign succeeds when the narrative becomes the default explanation, and behavior changes follow.</p>
<p><strong>Mechanisms of quiet legitimacy</strong></p>
<p>Quiet legitimacy is produced through repeatable tactics, ones where credential laundering places claims into the mouths of voices perceived as independent, <a href="https://www.cybercom.mil/Media/News/Article/3895345/russian-disinformation-campaign-doppelgnger-unmasked-a-web-of-deception/">creating the appearance</a> of distributed confirmation. Analytics include charts and technical language to convey rigor while hiding assumptions. Selective transparency leverages leaks and partial documents stripped of context. Moralization frames disagreement as negligence, making restraint feel irresponsible. These tactics resemble normal professional discourse rather than <a href="https://demtech.oii.ox.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/sites/12/2021/02/CyberTroop-Report20-Draft9.pdf">propaganda</a>, which is why they persist even when individual claims are challenged.</p>
<p><strong>Institutional effects: Decision denial and self-reinforcement</strong></p>
<p>The most damaging outcome is decision denial. Leaders hesitate, delay approvals, expand verification loops, and shift from action to internal adjudication. Institutions then reinforce adversary framing through audits, <a href="https://informationsecurity.info/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/jp3_13.pdf">restrictions,</a> and public messaging that signal seriousness. The institution becomes the amplifier.</p>
<p>A further enabling condition is strategic silence. Political and industrial leaders often treat AI-assisted influence as reputational risk rather than industrial security, narrowing attention to incidents and compliance outcomes. This reduces urgency to build rehearsed counter-influence operations, narrative baselines, provenance tracking, and rapid truth publication aligned with <a href="https://www.cisa.gov/news-events/news/cisa-unveils-new-initiative-fortify-americas-critical-infrastructure">operational integrity checks</a>. Incentives intensify the gap. Political leaders fear acknowledging systemic exposure. Industrial leaders prioritize near-term output and optics. Under pressure, organizations default to ad hoc messaging and policy drag, validating narratives and accelerating disconnection through doubt and fatigue.</p>
<p><strong>Implications for defense</strong></p>
<p>Effective defense requires campaign awareness over incident-focused thinking. It involves establishing a clear narrative baseline, maintaining discipline in provenance, and enforcing decision discipline that sustains tempo while verification continues. It requires integrity assurance for data systems so leaders can demonstrate reliability through verifiable controls and<a href="https://www.nist.gov/itl/ai-risk-management-framework"> transparent recovery</a>. It also requires rehearsed counter-influence operations integrated with cybersecurity, risk governance, and partner communication. The aim is to preserve trust while sustaining output.</p>
<p><strong>Conclusion</strong></p>
<p>Industrial competition is determined as much by trust as by throughput. AI-assisted hybrid warfare enables influence operations that degrade confidence, fracture alliances, and gradually unplug an industrial complex from global networks, thereby shaping what stakeholders consider reliable and what partners judge as safe. The respectability engine remains central because it converts destabilizing narratives into <a href="https://informationsecurity.info/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/jp3_13.pdf">credible concerns </a>and turns institutional reaction into proof. Its effects become decisive when machine-speed amplification makes those narratives unavoidable through repetition and timing aligned with routine <a href="https://www.anthropic.com/news/disrupting-AI-espionage">industrial friction</a>. The industrial complex remains globally connected only if it can sustain trust while operating at speed under pressure designed to look responsible, data-driven, and legitimate. When legitimacy is amplified by machine-speed, the contest becomes less about a single narrative and more about <a href="https://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/research_reports/RR4300/RR4373z2/RAND_RR4373z2.pdf">who controls the conditions</a> under which common sense forms.</p>
<p><em>Mr. Greg Sharpe is a Fellow and the director of Communications and Marketing for the National Institute for Deterrence Studies and the Managing Design Editor for the Global Security Review. He has 25+ years in marketing and communications with a focus on digital communications, organizational and institutional change, and analysis. The views of the author are his own.</em></p>
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<p><a href="https://globalsecurityreview.com/information-influence-in-ai-assisted-hybrid-warfare-in-the-u-s-industrial-complex/">Information Influence in AI-Assisted Hybrid Warfare in the U.S. Industrial Complex</a> was originally published on <a href="https://globalsecurityreview.com">Global Security Review</a>.</p>
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		<title>Strategic Corruption and the Future of Hybrid Warfare</title>
		<link>https://globalsecurityreview.com/strategic-corruption-and-the-future-of-hybrid-warfare/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Jeffery A. Tobin]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 23 Jun 2026 12:09:21 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>Published: June 23, 2026 During the Cold War, deterrence centered on missiles, troop deployments, and nuclear escalation. Military power still matters enormously, but modern strategic competition increasingly unfolds far from conventional battlefields. Rival states now seek influence through weaker institutions, compromised elites, illicit financial systems, infrastructure dependence, and strategic corruption. In many cases, adversaries no longer need to defeat a country militarily to [&#8230;]</p>
<p><a href="https://globalsecurityreview.com/strategic-corruption-and-the-future-of-hybrid-warfare/">Strategic Corruption and the Future of Hybrid Warfare</a> was originally published on <a href="https://globalsecurityreview.com">Global Security Review</a>.</p>
]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><i><span data-contrast="auto">Published:</span></i><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559740&quot;:240}"> June 23, 2026</span></p>
<p><span data-contrast="auto">During the Cold War, deterrence </span><a href="https://kissinger.sais.jhu.edu/programs-and-projects/kissinger-center-papers/american-deterrence-unpacked/"><span data-contrast="none">centered</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> on missiles, troop deployments, and nuclear escalation. Military power still matters enormously, but modern strategic competition increasingly </span><a href="https://gjia.georgetown.edu/conflict-security/part-i-rethinking-deterrence/"><span data-contrast="none">unfolds</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> far from conventional battlefields. Rival states now seek </span><a href="https://knowledgehub.transparencycdn.org/helpdesk/ForPublishing_Illicit-finance-financial-secrecy-and-state-threats.pdf"><span data-contrast="none">influence</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> through weaker institutions, compromised elites, illicit financial systems, infrastructure dependence, and strategic corruption. In many cases, adversaries no longer need to defeat a country militarily to weaken its strategic position.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559740&quot;:240}"> </span></p>
<p><span data-contrast="auto">This shift has blurred the line between governance problems and national security threats. Corruption no longer acts solely as a domestic political issue tied to ethics or economic inefficiency. Increasingly, it </span><a href="https://knowledgehub.transparencycdn.org/helpdesk/ForPublishing_Illicit-finance-financial-secrecy-and-state-threats.pdf"><span data-contrast="none">functions</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> as strategic infrastructure that hostile states and aligned networks can exploit to gain influence, undermine institutions, and weaken deterrence from within. The result is a form of hybrid warfare that </span><a href="https://www.corruptionjusticeandlegitimacy.org/post/strategic-corruption-as-a-threat-to-security-and-the-new-agenda-for-anti-corruption"><span data-contrast="none">operates</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> quietly below the threshold of conventional military conflict.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559740&quot;:240}"> </span></p>
<p><span data-contrast="auto">Traditional military deterrence assumes that states seek to avoid direct escalation because the costs remain too high. Yet modern rivals increasingly </span><a href="https://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/research_reports/RRA700/RRA720-1/RAND_RRA720-1.pdf"><span data-contrast="none">prefer</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> indirect approaches that create long-term political leverage without triggering military confrontation. Strategic corruption fits this model well because it </span><a href="https://ti-defence.org/corruption-statecraft-urgent-steps-taken-guard-against-hybrid-warfare/"><span data-contrast="none">weakens</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> institutional resilience gradually and often without attracting immediate international attention.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559740&quot;:240}"> </span></p>
<p><span data-contrast="auto">Infrastructure financing offers one example of this evolving landscape. Major infrastructure projects can generate economic growth, but opaque financing arrangements, weak procurement oversight, and political favoritism can also </span><a href="https://www.cfr.org/backgrounders/chinas-massive-belt-and-road-initiative"><span data-contrast="none">create</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> long-term dependency and strategic leverage. Ports, telecommunications systems, energy infrastructure, and logistics hubs increasingly carry geopolitical significance alongside their economic value. Foreign influence over critical infrastructure may </span><a href="https://features.csis.org/no-safe-harbor-china-ports/"><span data-contrast="none">shape</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> political decisions long before any military crises emerge.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559740&quot;:240}"> </span></p>
<p><span data-contrast="auto">Illicit financial networks create additional vulnerabilities. Sanction evasion systems, offshore financial structures, and corruption-linked patronage networks </span><a href="https://www.chathamhouse.org/2022/07/what-kleptocracy-and-how-does-it-work"><span data-contrast="none">allow</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> authoritarian governments and criminal actors to preserve influence even under significant economic pressure. These systems often </span><a href="https://knowledgehub.transparency.org/helpdesk/illicit-finance-financial-secrecy-and-state-threats"><span data-contrast="none">connect</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> political elites, business interests, criminal organizations, and external state actors in ways that complicate accountability and obscure responsibility.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559740&quot;:240}"> </span></p>
<p><span data-contrast="auto">The challenge becomes even more serious when state and non-state actors begin to overlap. Modern hybrid competition increasingly </span><a href="https://www.csis.org/analysis/future-competition-us-adversaries-and-growth-irregular-warfare"><span data-contrast="none">operates</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> through networks rather than formal battle lines. Organized crime groups, private intermediaries, corrupt officials, and geopolitical rivals often </span><a href="https://irregularwarfarecenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2023-06-13-Perspectives_No_8_TransnationalUPDATED.pdf"><span data-contrast="none">interact</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> inside the same gray zones. Those overlapping relationships make it harder to identify where criminal activity ends and strategic competition begins.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559740&quot;:240}"> </span></p>
<p><span data-contrast="auto">The Western Hemisphere illustrates this problem clearly. Across parts of Latin America and the Caribbean, organized criminal groups now </span><a href="https://ndupress.ndu.edu/Media/News/News-Article-View/Article/1943475/only-connect-the-survival-and-spread-of-organized-crime-in-latin-america/"><span data-contrast="none">exert</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> considerable influence over trafficking routes, local economies, migration systems, illicit mining operations, and even municipal governance. Criminal organizations often </span><a href="https://www.foi.se/rest-api/report/FOI%20Memo%205283"><span data-contrast="none">provide</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> dispute resolution, employment, or social services that weak governments struggle to deliver. This creates fragmented sovereignty in which state authority exists unevenly across territories and institutions.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559740&quot;:240}"> </span></p>
<p><span data-contrast="auto">These unstable environments create opportunities for external rivals </span><a href="https://www.csis.org/analysis/chinas-strategy-political-warfare"><span data-contrast="none">seeking</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> geopolitical access or influence. Weak oversight systems, corruption within procurement processes, and institutional distrust make states more </span><a href="https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/2023-02/20230217-elite-capture-corruption-security-sectors.pdf"><span data-contrast="none">vulnerable</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> to strategic penetration. In these circumstances, foreign influence does not always arrive through military alliances or ideological movements. Instead , it emerges through infrastructure contracts, illicit finance, commercial dependency, or relationships with politically connected elites.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559740&quot;:240}"> </span></p>
<p><span data-contrast="auto">Traditional deterrence frameworks </span><a href="https://www.brookings.edu/articles/why-the-us-needs-a-total-defense-strategy-based-on-resilience/"><span data-contrast="none">struggle</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> to address these dynamics because they still focus heavily on conventional military indicators. Defense planners understandably prioritize readiness, force posture, weapons modernization, logistics, and operational capability. These areas remain essential. However, military strength alone cannot fully </span><a href="https://www.armyupress.army.mil/Journals/Military-Review/English-Edition-Archives/March-April-2023/Financial-Access/"><span data-contrast="none">protect</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> states whose institutions face </span><a href="https://ti-defence.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/09/The_Fifth_Column_Web.pdf"><span data-contrast="none">sustained</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> internal erosion.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559740&quot;:240}"> </span></p>
<p><span data-contrast="auto">States often </span><a href="https://ti-defence.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/09/The_Fifth_Column_Web.pdf"><span data-contrast="none">weaken</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> politically before they weaken militarily. Public distrust, elite fragmentation, corruption scandals, feeble judicial systems, and declining institutional legitimacy can reduce a government’s ability to respond effectively during periods of strategic pressure. Adversaries increasingly </span><a href="https://www.corruptionjusticeandlegitimacy.org/post/strategic-corruption-as-a-threat-to-security-and-the-new-agenda-for-anti-corruption"><span data-contrast="none">recognize</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> this and exploit those vulnerabilities patiently over time.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559740&quot;:240}"> </span></p>
<p><span data-contrast="auto">This problem extends beyond developing countries or fragile democracies. Advanced democracies also </span><a href="https://www.csis.org/analysis/return-political-warfare"><span data-contrast="none">face</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> growing concerns involving foreign influence operations, cyber-enabled corruption, disinformation campaigns, opaque lobbying networks, and strategic investments tied to geopolitical objectives. Hybrid competition increasingly </span><a href="https://www.nato.int/en/what-we-do/deterrence-and-defence/resilience-civil-preparedness-and-article-3"><span data-contrast="none">targets</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> the political and institutional foundations that support deterrence itself. As a result, national security discussions must </span><a href="https://www.brookings.edu/articles/how-anti-corruption-efforts-strengthen-global-democracy-and-security/"><span data-contrast="none">broaden</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> beyond military hardware and battlefield concepts alone. Deterrence </span><a href="https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/in-depth-research-reports/report/resilience-first/"><span data-contrast="none">depends</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> not only on weapons systems, but also on institutional credibility, public trust, transparency, and political resilience. Governments that cannot maintain confidence in procurement systems, electoral institutions, judicial independence, or regulatory oversight may struggle to sustain strategic cohesion during periods of crisis.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559740&quot;:240}"> </span></p>
<p><span data-contrast="auto">This reality does not mean every corruption scandal represents foreign subversion or hybrid warfare. Domestic political dysfunction often </span><a href="https://www.airuniversity.af.edu/JIPA/Display/Article/4167178/political-warfare-against-intervention-forces/"><span data-contrast="none">emerges</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> from local conditions and internal failures. However, strategic rivals increasingly </span><a href="https://www.csis.org/analysis/foreign-malign-influence-targeting-us-and-allied-corporations"><span data-contrast="none">exploit</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> those weaknesses opportunistically once they appear. Corruption </span><a href="https://millercenter.org/rise-strategic-corruption"><span data-contrast="none">creates</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> openings that adversaries can leverage quietly and incrementally.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559740&quot;:240}"> </span></p>
<p><span data-contrast="auto">The United States and its allies therefore need a broader understanding of deterrence in the twenty-first century. Military modernization remains necessary, particularly as rival powers continue expanding nuclear, cyber, and space capabilities. Yet strategic competition increasingly </span><a href="https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA290-1.html"><span data-contrast="none">unfolds</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> inside institutions as much as along borders or within contested seas.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559740&quot;:240}"> </span></p>
<p><span data-contrast="auto">Institutional resilience should now be a centerpiece of national security planning. Strong oversight systems, transparent procurement practices, anti-corruption enforcement, independent courts, investigative journalism, and trusted public institutions all </span><a href="https://ti-defence.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/TI-DS-Submission-for-2025-PBAR.pdf"><span data-contrast="none">contribute</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> to long-term strategic stability. These systems </span><a href="https://www.ifes.org/pub/paths-democratic-resilience-era-backsliding/understanding-and-designing-resilience-interventions"><span data-contrast="none">strengthen</span></a><span data-contrast="auto"> national resilience against both domestic corruption and external exploitation.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559740&quot;:240}"> </span></p>
<p><span data-contrast="auto">In the emerging era of hybrid competition, states may not lose strategic position through invasion alone. They may lose it gradually through institutional erosion that weakens deterrence long before conventional conflict formally begins.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559740&quot;:240}"> </span></p>
<p><i><span data-contrast="auto">Jeffery A. Tobin is a senior advisor and partner with Pan-American Strategic Advisors, conducting research on democracy, corruption, and institutional health. His work has appeared in outlets including Lawfare, Just Security, Foreign Policy in Focus, the Modern War Institute, and Small Wars Journal. The views expressed in this article are the author’s own.</span></i><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559740&quot;:240}"> </span></p>
<p><a href="http://globalsecurityreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/Strategic-Corruption-and-the-Future-of-Hybrid-Warfare.pdf"><img decoding="async" class="alignnone wp-image-32606" src="http://globalsecurityreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/2026-Download-Button26.png" alt="" width="223" height="62" srcset="https://globalsecurityreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/2026-Download-Button26.png 450w, https://globalsecurityreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/2026-Download-Button26-300x83.png 300w" sizes="(max-width: 223px) 100vw, 223px" /></a></p>
<p><a href="https://globalsecurityreview.com/strategic-corruption-and-the-future-of-hybrid-warfare/">Strategic Corruption and the Future of Hybrid Warfare</a> was originally published on <a href="https://globalsecurityreview.com">Global Security Review</a>.</p>
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		<title>The Election May Be Over, but the Threat of Foreign Interference Is Not</title>
		<link>https://globalsecurityreview.com/the-election-may-be-over-but-the-threat-of-foreign-interference-is-not/</link>
					<comments>https://globalsecurityreview.com/the-election-may-be-over-but-the-threat-of-foreign-interference-is-not/#respond</comments>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Craig Albert]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 10 Dec 2024 13:08:16 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Strategic Adversaries]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[adversarial nation-states]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[American society]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Craig Albert ​]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[cybersecurity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[cyberwarfare]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[democracy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Disinformation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[divisiveness]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[election]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[foreign interference]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[hacking]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[inauguration day]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[influence operations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[intelligence agencies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Iran]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[malinformation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[misinformation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[polarization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[political process]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[public confidence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Russia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Social Media]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[US elections]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[vigilance]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://globalsecurityreview.com/?p=29554</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Election day came and went relatively smoothly. There was none of the violence or unrest people feared. What if, however, the real danger has not passed but is just beginning? It is important to remember that election-related violence and unrest do not just happen spontaneously. There is a long build-up of tension leading to such [&#8230;]</p>
<p><a href="https://globalsecurityreview.com/the-election-may-be-over-but-the-threat-of-foreign-interference-is-not/">The Election May Be Over, but the Threat of Foreign Interference Is Not</a> was originally published on <a href="https://globalsecurityreview.com">Global Security Review</a>.</p>
]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Election day came and went relatively smoothly. There was none of the violence or unrest people feared. What if, however, the real danger has not passed but is just beginning?</p>
<p>It is important to remember that election-related violence and unrest do not just happen spontaneously. There is a long build-up of tension leading to such events, and much of this tension is deliberately instigated by adversarial nation-states that are engaged in spreading misinformation, disinformation, and malinformation through social media influence operations.</p>
<p>During non-election times, the general goal of these influence operations is simply to cause as much polarization and divisiveness within American society as possible. But during election time the goal becomes more specific: sow confusion, suspicion, mistrust, and chaos regarding the American political process to undermine democracy.</p>
<p>The problem is that this post-election period is still a prime time to achieve that specific goal. To ensure the peaceful transfer of power and preserve democracy, it is essential to understand why the level of risk remains high.</p>
<p><strong>More Actors Are Getting Involved</strong></p>
<p>The first factor to consider is that the number of adversaries Americans should be legitimately concerned about, with respect to social media information operations, continues to grow. Where Russia and China were the two primary nation-states to worry about, Iran is increasingly entering the picture as a formidable adversary. While Iran is already a threat in terms of conventional cyberwarfare, it is not known for its prowess in influence operations.</p>
<p>However, this is changing, and Iran is proving itself a formidable adversary on the information warfare front. Just last August, for example, American intelligence officials revealed that Iran attempted to hack the presidential campaigns.</p>
<p>They were successful in hacking the Trump campaign, but this was not a conventional cyberattack. Their main objective was not the hack itself. Rather, it was the influence operations made possible by the information gained from that hack.</p>
<p>This was evidenced by Iran offering the Biden campaign access to information stolen from the Trump campaign. The Biden campaign did not respond.</p>
<p>In addition to the more obvious nation-states such as China, Iran, and Russia, there are also potential influence operations being carried out or in planning by other threat actors that the US must not ignore. Overly focusing on just the usual suspects can lead to overlooking other players in the game which include not just external nation-state adversaries but also domestic threat actors.</p>
<p>Despite Iran’s hack of the Trump campaign, in this and in other election-related influence operations, the goal is not necessarily to favor one presidential candidate over the other. With Trump’s victory, that is now a moot point anyway. Instead, the goal is to use misinformation, disinformation, and malinformation to confuse and overwhelm Americans, regardless of their political persuasions, and to trigger their negative emotions to sow as much chaos and discord as possible.</p>
<p>The ultimate end game is to get the American populace to lose trust in their political system, thereby undermining democratic society. This, in turn, would open the way for these nation-state adversaries to further assert their own interests.</p>
<p><strong>Election Day Was Just the Beginning</strong></p>
<p>Thankfully, election day came and went with few and only minor incidents. This was not due to lack of harmful activity. In fact, the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI), the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) issued joint statements advising the public that their respective agencies observed adversarial states—namely Iran and Russia—conducting influence operations “intended to undermine public confidence in the integrity of US elections and stoke divisions among Americans.” They added, “The IC expects these activities to intensify through election day and in the coming weeks, and that foreign influence narratives will focus on swing states.”</p>
<p>First, the fact that these three agencies felt the need to issue joint statements is highly significant and they would not have done so had the level of risk not justified it. The lack of major incidents is therefore a testament to their vigilance. But pay special attention to this part of their statement: “These activities will intensify through election day and in the coming weeks.”</p>
<p>What this means is that even though there is a clear winner, and the public has peacefully accepted the outcome, from the viewpoint of the nation’s adversaries, now is the time to strike. Now is the time to flood social media with misinformation, disinformation, and malinformation.</p>
<p>In fact, adversaries may very well have prepared months’ worth of content in advance to use in the case of either presidential candidate’s victory. That way, regardless of who won, they were ready.</p>
<p>A quick search of popular media platforms brings up posts claiming that the winner cheated. Are these sincere, good faith actors with real evidence to back up their claims? Or are they part of an influence operation? In today’s age, especially with powerful AI tools widely available, it is difficult for citizens to tell at a glance.</p>
<p>As a nation, regardless of individual politics, the US has gone through too much and fought too hard to preserve its democracy to allow malicious actors to put that hard-won fact at risk. Although it passed an important milestone, the election itself, it is not time for the country to breathe a collective sigh of relief.</p>
<p>It should not be assumed that the time between now and inauguration day, January 20, 2025, will be uneventful. Now is precisely when the intelligence and cybersecurity communities, the media (especially social media platforms), and the American people need to remain watchful and vigilant.</p>
<p><em>Craig Albert, PhD, is Professor of Political Science &amp; Graduate Director of the Master of Arts in Intelligence and Security Studies at Augusta University. Views expressed in this article are the author&#8217;s own. </em></p>
<p><a href="http://globalsecurityreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/12/The-Election-May-Be-Over.pdf"><img decoding="async" class="alignnone wp-image-28926 size-medium" src="http://globalsecurityreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/Download-This-Publication-300x83.png" alt="" width="300" height="83" srcset="https://globalsecurityreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/Download-This-Publication-300x83.png 300w, https://globalsecurityreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/Download-This-Publication.png 450w" sizes="(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px" /></a></p>
<p><a href="https://globalsecurityreview.com/the-election-may-be-over-but-the-threat-of-foreign-interference-is-not/">The Election May Be Over, but the Threat of Foreign Interference Is Not</a> was originally published on <a href="https://globalsecurityreview.com">Global Security Review</a>.</p>
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