Advances in space technology are making the extraction of lunar and asteroid materials increasingly feasible. These capabilities promise the potential for significant economic gains, greater energy security, and new avenues of geopolitical influence for any spacefaring nation capable of developing and sustaining resource-extraction operations. As competition accelerates, the question is no longer whether space mining will occur, but who will shape the rules, norms, and capabilities that govern it.

To preserve American power in space, the United States must take formative policy action and protective research and development (R&D) measures to define the future of space mining before rival nations do. Building on the strategic momentum established in the space domain during the first Trump Administration, namely the creation of the U.S. Space Force, securing an early foothold in space mining will help counter adversarial efforts to undermine American leadership and preserve space as a key frontier for American power.

Formative Policy Action in Space Mining

In emerging domains, the first actors often leave a legacy that serves as a reference point for subsequent laws and behavior, such as the Outer Space Treaty (OST) of 1967. During the Cold War, the U.S. and the Soviet Union pushed outer space beyond its initial symbolic and scientific uses. Concerns over nuclear escalation prompted the creation of a legal framework that addressed non-weaponization and restrictions on national sovereignty. Despite approaching its 60th anniversary, the OST remains a foundational pillar of outer space governance, demonstrating how proactive U.S. leadership defined the rules of engagement and established operational precedents in an emerging domain. Sustaining this proactive approach is critical if the U.S. is to seize the strategic opportunities in outer space.

Space mining is among the more recent technical opportunities to emerge, alongside satellite constellations, orbital maneuvering, and AI-enabled platforms. Yet space mining is unique in that it offers potential energy security and trillions of dollars in economic value to those possessing return-to-Earth capabilities (currently limited, forcing a focus on in-situ resource utilization (ISR) for propulsion and life support). According to NASA’s Asterank database, extracting resources from the ten most cost-effective asteroids could yield profits exceeding $1.5 trillion. The promise of energy resilience and economic gain has captured the attention of global powers and middle-state actors alike, leading to a growing number of spacefaring nations and sparking geopolitical friction.

The U.S. and Luxembourg were among the first to formalize space mining in their legal frameworks, recognizing outer space resources as property subject to ownership and commercial trade. Conversely, Russia cites the Outer Space Treaty’s designation of space as the “province of all mankind” as a basis for prohibiting resource extraction and ownership. In response to the Trump Administration’s proposed lunar mining initiatives, Russian officials went so far as to accuse the U.S. of orchestrating an “invasion” of the Moon, likening it to “another Afghanistan or Iraq.” Russia’s actions, however, contrast sharply with its public stance, given its willingness to explore an agreement on space mining with Luxembourg in 2019.

Yet American space mining laws have been relatively insulated from further international criticism because they align with formative international frameworks. For example, the U.S. Commercial Space Launch Competitiveness Act of 2015 reflects Article II of the OST, which prohibits national appropriation of celestial bodies. Additionally, the 2020 National Space Policy aligns with the Artemis Accords by emphasizing transparency in national space policies and space exploration plans, as well as the sharing of scientific information. The legitimacy of U.S. legal principles has been strengthened by demonstrating its commitment to sharing the space domain as a collaborative partner while advancing its own interests and strategic advantages.

Critical questions about access to mining sites, extraction limits, and fair participation remain unanswered because frameworks such as the OST predate the concept of space mining. Addressing these questions and providing certainty before capabilities mature or competing nations establish their own frameworks is essential to preserving a U.S. strategic advantage in space.

Protective R&D Measures for Space Mining Capabilities

As the future of space mining and its economic potential threaten to catalyze geopolitical tensions, it is crucial for the U.S. not only to be among the first to establish governance frameworks but also to develop tangible space mining capabilities. Yet space is no longer a domain of uncontested U.S. dominance, as China has evolved from a near-peer to a peer competitor. Initiatives such as the Tiangong Space Station and the International Lunar Research Station underscore China’s growing space capabilities and its ambitions to assume a leadership role.

China’s rapid rise may be attributed in part to its exposure to U.S. space technologies, as bilateral cooperation agreements have provided avenues for interaction with U.S. research and development efforts. Despite the Wolf Amendment, which prohibits bilateral cooperation with China without explicit authorization from Congress and the FBI, numerous violations of the provision have likely conferred strategic benefits on China, eroding the competitive edge the U.S. seeks to maintain. In 2024, the Office of the Inspector General investigated a state University for violations of the Wolf Amendment and announced in December that the University agreed to pay $715,580 to resolve civil allegations. When applying for and receiving NASA research grants, the University failed to disclose a professor’s affiliations with and support from the Chinese government. Similarly, according to a report published by the Select Committee on the Strategic Competition Between the U.S. and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), hundreds of articles crediting NASA funding were identified that were jointly published by U.S. researchers (including public universities and federal research entities) and CCP institutions. In early February 2026, the University of Texas at San Antonio agreed to pay nearly $130,000 in penalties after federal investigators alleged that the lead principal investigator for a NASA-funded Center for Advanced Measurements in Extreme Environments failed to disclose affiliations with researchers in China.

China’s sustained intellectual property theft is eroding U.S. dominance in space and diminishing the impact of formative U.S. space mining policy measures. Prioritizing R&D for space mining, particularly return-to-Earth capabilities, is a central focus for spacefaring nations and must be a priority for the United States. However, R&D initiatives must be paired with enforceable oversight structures that protect intellectual property from adversarial appropriation. Enforcement entities should also demonstrate a clear commitment to implementing protective measures and punishing violators. Without such protections, any research investments risk benefiting adversarial states as much as the U.S., as evidenced by instances in which China has capitalized on U.S.-funded advancements.

Conclusion

Although the U.S. is facing increasing demands across emerging warfighting domains, with numerous competing national security concerns, space resource governance and capability development can no longer be sidelined. The U.S. must act decisively and with strategic clarity to build the legal and behavioral foundations for space mining, and to enact protections for space mining R&D, as competitors advance their own initiatives. Space mining has become a strategic imperative, one that this Administration must seize to ensure that American values, interests, and leadership define this emerging domain, resource governance and capability development resource governance and capability development.

Rachel Butler is a doctoral student in the Department of Defense and Strategic Studies at Missouri State University. She holds master’s degrees in history and strategic studies, with research interests focused on ethical and cognitive warfare. Views expressed in this article are the author’s own. 

Seizing the High Ground: The Case for U.S. Leadership in Space Mining was originally published on Global Security Review.

These unmanned and precision attacks targeted strategic locations, ranging from early warning radar sites to critical military installations. They did not provoke the feared nuclear response. Instead, these operations exposed a new threat calculus where persistence, precision, and the power of perception are paramount.

Recent analyses suggest that such drone operations contributed to shifting risk assessments within adversary states, where even a 10 percent to 15 percent error in perception could lead to miscalculation. American nuclear strategists now contend with an urgent need to rethink deterrence as the boundary between conventional and nuclear erodes.

Spectral Shifts: Rethinking Strategic Assumptions

For decades, American nuclear strategy hinged on the assumption that any conventional attack on nuclear command and control assets would inevitably trigger a nuclear counter-response. Data from Cold War–era exercises and subsequent real-world incidents reinforced this mindset among defense planners. Ukraine’s repeated drone strikes on sensitive Russian assets, including radar installations integral to Russia’s early warning systems, force a reconsideration of long-held assumptions.

The Kremlin’s response is notably restrained, treating these incursions as manageable costs rather than triggers for nuclear escalation. This strategic restraint, observed in multiple public and classified communications from Moscow, signals that deterrence may now rely less on the brute force of nuclear capability and more on the sophistication of targeting and intent. The takeaway for modern policymakers is that deterrence must now incorporate a broader array of factors, including technology-driven precision and the adversary’s threshold for escalation.

Phantom Impact: Redefining Strategy Beyond Nuclear Might

The era when the primary measure of strategic impact was synonymous with nuclear firepower is ending. Ukraine’s innovative use of low-cost, high-precision drones demonstrates that small platforms can disrupt traditional security calculations. Recent reports from defense think tanks estimate that the unit cost of drone operations is less than 1 percent of what a conventional fighter aircraft mission might cost, yet their operational impact in terms of intelligence and tactical disruption is comparable in key areas.

These drones infiltrate deep into adversary territory and strike high-value military and economic assets once presumed invulnerable. Such operational dynamics challenge the long-standing monopoly of nuclear-armed states over credible homeland threats. American planners must now recalibrate their threat models to integrate non-nuclear options, recognizing that the future of strategic impact is both more economical and more technologically complex than ever before.

Haunted Homelands: The Crumbling Illusion of Sanctuary

During the Cold War, vast distances, natural barriers, and the geographic isolation provided by oceans created the comforting illusion that major powers could enjoy an impenetrable sanctuary. Today, that illusion is crumbling. Ukraine’s drone operations are a vivid demonstration that even regions thought to be well-protected can be penetrated. Attacks targeting Russia’s early warning networks, critical oil infrastructure, and military bases reveal that no area can rest on its laurels.

American infrastructure, ranging from energy grids to communication systems and early warning radars, face elevated risks in an age of highly agile autonomous systems. Consider that the global market for unmanned aerial vehicles is projected to reach nearly $50 billion by 2030. Considering this, there is an immediate imperative to overhaul homeland defense strategies. Rapid response protocols, increased situational awareness, and investment in counter-drone technologies are no longer optional. They are emerging as essential components of modern deterrence.

Phantom Signals: How Optics and Intent Drive Escalation

One of the most remarkable aspects of Ukraine’s campaign is its ability to secure tactical advantages without spiraling into uncontrolled escalation. The success of these drone strikes lies in their careful timing, precision, and measured execution. Ukrainian forces consistently space out operations and meticulously choose targets that convey national resolve without risking mass casualties. This dual messaging, delivering a tangible operational effect while sending a clear political signal, underscores a critical evolution in deterrence thinking.

Today, the optics and perceived intent behind an action can be as decisive as the physical impact. One analysis points out that misinterpretations of strategic intent now pose as much risk of inadvertent escalation as traditional force-on-force scenarios. For the United States, this means that developing clear, well-articulated signaling frameworks is crucial. Such frameworks must enable policymakers and military leaders to assert credible force while avoiding actions that might be misread as provocative by adversaries. In a world where every action is scrutinized and the margins for error are thinning, clarity in communication becomes a cornerstone of modern deterrence.

Ghosts in the Arsenal: Integrating Drones into Deterrence

Drones are transcending their traditional role on the battlefield and are emerging as indispensable strategic assets. Modern unmanned systems serve multiple roles, from surveillance and intelligence gathering to direct precision strikes against key targets. Their integration is revolutionizing how military operations are conducted without risking human life. Moreover, these systems have the added benefit of being less politically charged than manned strike platforms. However, their growing prominence also introduces the potential for miscalculation.

With investments in drone technology doubling over the past decade in many leading militaries, the United States must swiftly incorporate these assets into its overarching deterrence framework. This requires the formulation of robust policies that define the operational limits and acceptable contexts for drone employment, comprehensive training programs for commanders in escalation management, and public messaging that reinforces strategic resolve without escalating tensions. The rapid pace of technological adoption means that the window for effective integration is short, and strategic agility is paramount.

Phantoms of the Future: Recasting Deterrence in the Drone Age

Retaining U.S. strategic credibility in the coming decades will demand an evolution beyond a deterrence model solely anchored in nuclear might. Although nuclear forces remain critical, they are no longer the exclusive instruments that shape adversary behavior in today’s multidomain conflicts. The future of deterrence depends on a seamless strategy where nuclear and non-nuclear capabilities are coherently integrated. This entails developing a comprehensive national doctrine for drone utilization that explicitly defines clear thresholds for action, acceptable target sets, and robust escalation-management protocols. In parallel, efforts must focus on modernizing homeland defenses to counter the threat of long-range, autonomous drone attacks, especially in sectors such as space-based assets, energy, and telecommunications. Data from defense budget analyses show that if every NATO member met the 2 percent gross domestic product defense spending target, the alliance’s budget would increase by over $100 billion annually. Such investments, along with analogous U.S. initiatives to enhance technological resilience, are crucial if deterrence is to remain credible and effective in this new operational environment.

Final Haunting: Embracing the Ghostly Evolution of Deterrence

“Ghosts in the Skies” is not just a metaphor; it encapsulates the profound transformation underway in modern deterrence. Ukraine’s innovative use of drone technology is forcefully redefining the conventional wisdom that has long informed global security policy. This paradigm shift challenges entrenched assumptions and demands a rapid evolution of U.S. military strategy. In an era of hybrid threats and rapid technological change, our global security environment is more complex and interdependent than ever before. The future of deterrence will rely on the capacity to adapt swiftly, integrate non-linear threat responses, and build flexible defense systems that are as agile as the adversaries they are designed to deter. The message for policymakers is clear: embrace this ghostly evolution now, for in the emerging multidomain battlefield every misstep carries the risk of destabilizing not only regional security but also global order.

The transformation in deterrence prompted by Ukraine’s drone operations is a stark reminder that innovation in warfare can render old paradigms obsolete. As nations invest in cost-effective, high-precision autonomous systems, the calculus of deterrence will continue to shift, compelling the United States and its allies to rethink both doctrine and defense spending. In this new era, where even the faintest ghost can upend strategic balance, the ability to adapt and respond with agility will be the true measure of national security.

Brandon Toliver, PhD, serves on the A4 staff of Headquarters Air Force. The views expressed are those of the author alone.

Ghosts in the Skies: How Ukraine’s Drone Tactics Recast Modern Deterrence was originally published on Global Security Review.

5GW includes information dominance and manipulation, social engineering, economic coercion, cyber sabotage, and hybrid influence operations. It thrives on ambiguity, exploiting vulnerabilities without traditional combat. In 5GW, the lines between war and peace are blurred. No declarations, no clear enemies, just a relentless assault on stability. The goal is not to conquer land or destroy armies, but to cripple a nation’s spirit, economy, and infrastructure from within.

One of the most potent asymmetric tools of 5GW is economic manipulation. Palau, a serene archipelago of over 500 islands, were untouched by war until 2017. Palau dared to reject Beijing’s “One China Policy.” This move sent shockwaves through its fragile economy in the form of economic strangulation. In a masterstroke of economic coercion, China’s state-backed tour operators erased Palau from the Web.

Travel agencies stopped selling trips. Online searches yielded no results. Palau’s tourism industry, which accounted for 45 percent of gross domestic product (GDP), collapsed. Hotels emptied, airlines shut down, and the once-thriving economy suffocated.

This was not an anomaly, but a pattern. In 2016, South Korea agreed to facilitate the American THAAD missile defense system. China retaliated not with weapons but with economic muscle. Mysterious “fire and safety” violations suddenly appeared in South Korean businesses across China. A nine-month ban on Chinese tourism cost Seoul $6.5 billion. Retail giants like Lotte crumbled, thousands lost jobs, and yet, no war was declared.

The more interconnected the world economy becomes, the more vulnerable nations are to economic blackmail. Even Venezuela, despite its fiery anti-American rhetoric, was bound to the US economy. In 2018, despite Washington branding Nicolás Maduro a dictator and Caracas calling the US a “white supremacist regime,” the two nations still had $24 billion in trade, a quarter of Venezuela’s GDP.

Yet, when Washington imposed sweeping financial sanctions, Venezuela’s economy shrunk by 35 percent in a single year. After all, the United States does not just impose sanctions; it controls the very financial system that runs the world. The US dollar is the bloodline of global trade, and those who defy it find themselves cut off from international markets, unable to access capital or even conduct basic transactions. However, economic warfare breeds resistance.

Russia and China saw the writing on the wall. Between 2017 and 2020, Moscow slashed its holdings of US Treasury securities from $105 billion to just $3.8 billion and shifted towards China’s Cross-Border Interbank Payment System (CIPS), sidestepping American financial hegemony.

The true commanding heights of global dominance lie at the intersection of technology, finance, and unchecked ambition. China is not just selling 5G networks, it is embedding itself into the nervous system of global communication. On the other hand, the US does not just dominate finance, it controls the SWIFT banking system, ensuring economic warfare is just a sanction away. Similarly, corporations do not just innovate, they monopolize, influence, and quietly dictate policy behind closed doors.

“Surge forward, killing as you go, to blaze us a trail of blood.” A battle cry? Indeed. Not from a general on the battlefield, but from Ren Zhengfei, the founder of Huawei, a company waging a war not just against competitors but against entire nations. Britain’s telecom networks are suspected to have Chinese backdoors.

Information is now what oil was in the 1970s, a critical commodity to be controlled. Today, data is the new crude, and the battle to monopolize its flow has already begun. Quantum computing, AI, and machine learning are the new oil rigs, and the nations that dominate these technologies will dictate the future. Unlike oil, information is easily stolen, manipulated, or even weaponized in ways no physical resource ever could.

The first lethal autonomous drone strike in Libya, recorded in March 2020, was a grim reminder of what is to come. A suicide drone, powered by AI, needed no human command—just a target. Fire and forget was the name of the game. Imagine the next phase: terrorist organizations deploying AI-powered swarms, able to strike with precision, invulnerability, and zero risk to human operatives. They would not negotiate, would not retreat, and would prove hard to stop.  

In a world where biological warfare is outlawed, the selective control of food, aid, and healthcare has replaced mass destruction with slow, calculated suffocation. Nations can now deny access to the very essentials of life to break their adversaries in a siege without walls and a war without battlefields. Over 40 percent of the world’s population faces water scarcity, and by 2030, drought could displace 700 million people. The Turkish-backed militias that had control over the Alouk water station in Syria in 2020 was a stark reminder—when resources are weaponized, suffering becomes policy.

Interestingly, the battle of perception is gaining momentum more than ever. In an era of clickbait headlines and disinformation campaigns, lies travel faster than truth. The Massachusetts Institute of Technology found that false news spreads 70 percent faster than real news. From the Soviet KGB planting the rumor in the 1980s that the US government created AIDS to modern deepfake propaganda, deception is the new artillery.

Even culture is not immune. Hollywood exported American ideals, Bollywood spread Indian influence, and K-pop turned South Korea into a global powerhouse. For instance, the Cold War was not just won by missiles, it was won when a West German band sang “Wind of Change,” which then became the anthem of the Berlin Wall’s collapse.

If hunger, water, and financial systems hare already weaponized, the next battlefield is clear—space and the seabed. Subsea communication cables are responsible for carrying 97 percent of global data traffic and are the arteries of the modern economy. They enable over $10 trillion in financial transactions every single day. Yet, these vital lifelines remain shockingly unprotected and are vulnerable to sabotage, espionage, and strategic disruption. A targeted attack on just a handful of these cables could cripple stock markets, paralyze banking systems, and sever military command structures—all without a single warship being deployed.

Meanwhile, the race for space dominance is accelerating. From $63.66 billion in 2024 to an estimated $74.4 billion by 2028, the global military satellite market is growing, fueled by the realization that power no longer lies in boots on the ground, but in eyes in the sky. Satellites provide precision-strike capabilities, secure communication, and real-time battlefield intelligence. The Pentagon warns that the US is already vulnerable, with China and Russia developing anti-satellite (ASAT) weapons.

In this realm, one can say that modern states wage wars without battlefields, where the goal is not to destroy but to subdue—crippling economies, infiltrating cyber networks, and manipulating narratives without a single shot fired. What is never openly begun is rarely officially ended. In 5th-generation warfare, silence is a weapon, perception is the battlefield, and survival means accepting that war never truly ends.

Syeda Fizzah Shuja is a Research Associate at Pakistan Navy War College and an Mphil scholar in Peace and Counter Terrorism. Her work focuses on hybrid warfare and maritime terrorism. She can be contacted at fizzasyed2k@gmail.com.

The 5GW Playbook: Silent Wars and Invisible Battlefields was originally published on Global Security Review.

This digital divide is not just about access to technology but also about the ability to harness AI’s potential for economic, social, and global political empowerment. The implications of the AI divide are leading to a tech race that impact geopolitical power dynamics, exacerbating competition major powers like the US, China, France, and India. Depending on how the race ends, it could swing the balance of power in a negative direction.

AI Paris Summit

The recent AI Action Summit held in Paris emerged as a pivotal event that highlights both the opportunities and challenges associated with this evolving AI tech race. This summit serves as a beacon of innovation, encouraging France and India to collaborate more closely, while also exposing the complex interplay of international reactions, particularly from major powers like the United States, United Kingdom (UK), and China.

The summit focused on expanding AI’s boundaries while respecting environmental and ethical obligations. France’s President Emmanuel Macron reaffirmed his nation’s commitment to AI innovation, while maintaining high regulatory standards that draw parallels to Notre Dame Cathedral’s restoration. Such a strategy will likely accelerate AI ventures and foster innovation.

However, the regulation proposed was also a noose around the neck of the summit’s emphasis—deregulation. It is worth considering whether drastic deregulation will lead to genuine advances or the weakening of certain crucial safety nets as the world grapples with how to handle ever expanding data and the fragmentation that result from the intersection of geopolitical interests and the private ownership of data and capability. The US and China approach the issue differently than Europe, whose adoption of the AI Act (2023) will see the first comprehensive AI regulation in the world.

Many wondered how agentic AI will impact the balance of power. Whether AI will have a net positive or negative effect is uncertain. The rate at which agentic AI is developed and adopted in the three main economic blocs of China, Europe, and the United States will determine much.

India-France AI Alliance

India and France are forming a partnership to leverage AI’s full potential globally, sharing knowledge, resources, and best practices to create a robust framework for AI initiatives and global dialogue. During the summit, leaders from both countries addressed how their alliance could facilitate joint ventures, research collaborations, and talent exchange programs. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Macron foresaw great potential for future cooperation in 2019 when they endorsed the Indo-French Roadmap on Cybersecurity and Digital Technology. India and France, founding members of the Global Partnership on Artificial Intelligence, aim to develop a safe, open, secure, and ethical AI for human development and global commons.

Global Reactions

As the world watches the developments in Paris, reactions from other global powers, notably China and the United States, added another layer of complexity to the conversation around AI regulation and collaboration. In recent years, both states have invested heavily in AI research and development, seeing it as critical to their national security and economic competitiveness.

China’s approach to AI governance contrasts significantly with that of France and India. While the Chinese government prioritizes rapid innovation with minimal regulatory oversight, this led to concerns about privacy, surveillance, and ethical implications. The US, on the other hand, grapples with debates around data privacy, corporate responsibility, and the potential for AI misuse. As a result, the responses from these two states illustrate differing philosophies about how best to harness AI’s potential while safeguarding public interests.

The US and UK declined to sign a declaration on “inclusive and sustainable” artificial intelligence at the Paris summit, in a blow to hopes for a concerted approach to developing and regulating the technology. The document was backed by 60 other signatories on February 11, 2025, including France, China, India, Japan, Australia, and Canada.

The reactions from the relevant stakeholders highlight the urgent need for international cooperation and dialogue. As AI transcends borders, creating harmonized standards and frameworks could mitigate risks associated with its deployment.

Opportunities and Challenges Ahead

The summit concluded by emphasizing the need for proactive state engagement in AI regulation, prioritizing innovation while protecting individual rights and societal values. This, participants believed, would allow the world to fully capitalize on AI’s benefits.

As the world grapples with the realities of increasingly AI-driven technology, the voices of diverse stakeholders, including technologists, ethicists, policymakers, and civil society must be heard in shaping the future of AI. Under the flag of the AI Paris Summit, the India-France AI alliance is entering into a new and more unpredictable phase. By defying red tape and cultivating a spirit of cooperation, states are setting the pace for unlocking unprecedented opportunities while highlighting the inherent challenges of this transformative technology.

Huma Rehman is a project consultant, consultant, and defense and foreign affairs analyst. She can be reached at X @HumaRehman1.

AI Paris Summit and Emerging Paradox of AI Haves and Have-Nots was originally published on Global Security Review.

One example is instructive. The rate at which aircraft locations are electronically manipulated, “spoofed,” increased 500 percent in the first three quarters of 2024. An average of 1,500 flights a day were impacted by the beginning of September. In a recent survey of almost 2,000 flight crew members, 70 percent described their concerns about the impact on aviation safety as either “very high” or “extreme.”

The world depends upon signals from GPS and other global navigation satellite systems (GNSS) to underpin virtually every technology. Yet the essential positioning, navigation, and timing (PNT) service they provide is incredibly vulnerable.

Weak and Vulnerable Signals

These signals from space are, of necessity, very weak. The sun shining produces stronger radio signals than a GPS satellite. Yet, through a miracle of technology, receivers on earth can find coded signals in the radio noise floor, decipher them, and tell Americans where they are and the exact time.

Exceptionally weak signals mean that almost any interference on the right frequency can prevent them from getting through. For less than ten dollars, delivery drivers looking to electronically hide from their employers, people worried about being tracked by their spouse or the government, and bad actors wanting to disable receivers can buy a GPS “jammer” from any number of internet vendors. Such sales are illegal in most countries, as is the use of such devices. However, enforcement is almost always lax or nonexistent.

Keep in mind, signal specifications were made public as part of GPS becoming America’s “gift to the world,” with the US government encouraging GPS’s broad use. Other GNSS operators did the same.

While incredibly successful in promoting the wide adoption of signals, it has also facilitated spoofing. Compounding the problem, advances in digital technology brought inexpensive software-defined transmitters into the world. Now, for a few hundred dollars, a reasonably sophisticated hobbyist can easily imitate GPS and other satellite navigation signals.

The necessity of PNT services for everyday life and over-reliance on GPS/GNSS for PNT makes the vulnerability of signals to denial and imitation a primary weapon in conflicts around the globe.

This impacts millions of those not involved in these conflicts because any receiver within line-of-sight of the interfering transmitter can be affected. Thus, cell phone systems in Finland are degraded by drone defenses in St. Petersburg. First responders across the Middle East must use paper maps because of ongoing conflicts. Ships and aircraft, hundreds of miles from military actions, lose their navigation and collision avoidance systems. Given the number of conflicts around the planet, many regions of the world are adversely affected.

To date, appeals by international maritime and aviation professional organizations have failed to make an impact on the problem. The same is true for resolutions by the United Nation’s International Maritime Organization and International Civil Aviation Organization. The International Telecommunications Union (ITU), which seems to have the principal jurisdiction for this, is proving similarly ineffective.

At its World Radio Conference in December 2023, ITU delegates approved what, at first glance, appears to be a strong resolution enjoining member states to refrain from interfering with GNSS signals. The only way the resolution could pass was with an exception allowing interference “for security or defense purposes.” It is hard to imagine any other reason for which a state would disrupt signals.

Despite the failures of international diplomacy to mitigate this growing problem, there is likely a path for it to be much more successful. Attacks on GPS and other GNSS signals are useful only because most nations and systems over-depend on them with few alternatives.

Fortunately, many countries are actively considering establishing robust and resilient terrestrial PNT systems to complement signals from space. These can provide GPS-like information, but do not have common vulnerabilities and failure modes with GNSS.

The US Department of Transportation, the lead in America for civil PNT issues, said that intelligently using a combination of independent signals from space, terrestrial broadcast, and fiber cable can be the foundation of a resilient national PNT architecture.

Establishing such a system of systems will not make the services invulnerable. However, it will make them hard enough to disrupt so that antagonists will look elsewhere for opportunities to create mischief. Some nations are already taking significant steps toward achieving such resilience.

South Korea and Saudi Arabia field high-power terrestrial systems that provide PNT. The United Kingdom fields a partial system and seems poised to expand it, as well as a deployable capability. Much of Russia is also served by such a system.

China has the world’s most complete and advanced resilient PNT architecture. It includes three constellations of satellites in different orbital planes, an extensive terrestrial broadcast system, and a 20,000-kilometer fiber timing network with 295 “timing stations.”

Yet much of the world remains vulnerable to disruption. Those who interfere are therefore incentivized.

International diplomacy, in the form of the United Nations, can help improve the inevitable transition to resilient PNT by encouraging states to implement sovereign terrestrial systems. These systems will complement and cooperate with GNSS, while also operating independently.

As part of this effort, international standards can be developed to ensure aircraft, ships, and vehicles are able to seamlessly transit between nations. Technical assistance can be provided to nations with little local expertise in the field.

These efforts will greatly reduce the incentive to interfere with GNSS, thereby making it safer and more reliable. It will also reinforce the sovereignty and security of every involved nation.

The alternative is to continue down the path of increasing interference and increasing risk to life and property. Safety margins are already impacted. Ships are already colliding, and passenger aircraft are nearly straying, unannounced, into hostile airspace, all because of spoofing. It is only a matter of time before the world witnesses an avoidable tragedy.

The international community, perhaps in the form of a United Nations task force, must intervene to protect these fragile signals from space and disincentivize future disruptions.

Safer and more reliable signals from space and resilient sovereign terrestrial PNT are in the long-term interest of every nation. Diplomatic efforts must illuminate that shared interest bring parties together and nurture progress for everyone’s benefit.

Dana A. Goward is President of the Resilient Navigation and Timing Foundation, www.RNTFnd.org, an educational and scientific charity. He is a member of the president’s National Space-based Positioning, Navigation, and Timing Advisory Board and formerly served as the maritime navigation authority for the United States. Views expressed in this article are the author’s own. 

How Diplomacy Can Save GPS was originally published on Global Security Review.

One example of this malfeasance was the repeated use of the term fascism/fascist or Nazism/Nazi to refer to Donald J. Trump and his supporters. Among those raising this concern were disaffected officials from the first Trump presidency. For example, retired four-star general John F. Kelly, who served as Trump’s White House chief of staff, caught media attention by going public with warnings that Trump would try to govern as a dictator.

In addition, thirteen republicans who served in the first Trump administration released an open letter on October 25 charging that Trump’s disdain for the professional military and his admiration for autocrats would be dangerous for America. They contended, “The American people deserve a leader who won’t threaten to turn armed troops against them, won’t put his quest for power above their needs, and doesn’t idealize the likes of Adolf Hitler.”

The widespread use of the fascist moniker by Trump opponents, as well as the identification of Trump as an admirer of Hitler, substitutes emotional frustration for a nuanced appreciation of history and policy. This is so for at least two reasons.

First, the Nazi and fascist ideologies of the 1920s and 1930s cannot be replicated in 21st- century America. There are too many checks and balances in the American system of government to permit a fascist dictatorship or a similarly authoritarian system from taking root in the United States.

The geniuses who designed the American system of government dispersed power among three branches of the federal government and divided powers between the federal government and the states for a reason. The priority of values in the American political system favors liberty over efficiency. Admittedly the apparent inefficiency of government compared, say, to private business, is sometimes frustrating. But Americans instinctively mistrust centralized power as inimical to freedom, and history validates the prudence of that judgment.

Second, the character and training of the US professional officer corps would preclude the collaboration of the highest-ranking generals and admirals in subverting democracy. The graduates of American war colleges are steeped in the constitutional legitimacy that surrounds civil-military relations. An anti-democratic usurper demanding that the armed forces become partisan subordinates, as opposed to apolitical guardians of democracy, would meet with Pentagon resistance and, if necessary, refusal to carry out illegal orders.

Of course, complacency on the character of civil-military relations is never desirable; democracy must always be safeguarded against imminent dangers. But overstatement of American vulnerability to any single president or administration is distracting from more probable and immediate dangers and challenges.

First among these dangers is the relentless march of technology and its tendency to produce an elite of technocrats who exert indirect or direct control over public choice. When technocrats are in the private sector, they can influence public policy indirectly by leading successful corporations that make desirable consumer goods or other commodities.

On the other hand, when technocrats reside in government bureaucracies, their influence and power are not determined by market forces, but by law and government regulation. For most of the 20th century, the United States successfully balanced the creativity of the private business sector with the regulatory regimes of government bureaucracy. In the twenty-first century, this balance is at risk by bureaucracy in hyperdrive.

Aided by the explosion in new information technology, the federal bureaucracy now resembles Cheops’ pyramid and intrudes into every corner of American life. In turn, a more activist government is demanded by disgruntled interest groups or litigious citizens who take every grievance, real or imagined, into the local, state, or federal judicial system.

The result is a logjam of jurisprudential clutter and a never-ending cascade of regulations that dictate how Americans work, eat, sleep, drive, watch television, cook, and educate their children. A list of things that the government does not regulate would be harder to draw up than a list of things that the government controls directly or indirectly.

In short, mastery of advanced technology is a necessary condition for American national security and defense. On the other hand, technological micro-management of the American body politic can only depress innovation, discourage original thinking, and empower dysfunctional government controls over social and political life.

A second concern that both political parties need to address is the restructuring of the international political and economic system to the detriment of American leadership and security.  Russian President Vladimir Putin recently hosted a conclave of member states of BRICS (originally Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) plus some thirty other countries interested in joining or otherwise supporting the group. BRICS is explicitly designed to push back against the rules-based international order led by the US and its Western allies.

On the international security front, China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea (the CRINKs) are acting in concert as system disrupters in support of aggression in Europe, the Middle East, and East Asia. Iran and North Korea are providing explicit military assistance to Russia for its war against Ukraine, including ballistic missiles and drones.

North Korea has also begun sending troops to fight under Russian command in Ukraine.  China has moved into a more open military alliance with Russia, that includes joint war games and training exercises, including scenarios with forces that are potentially nuclear-capable.  Russia is confident that it can outlast Ukraine in manpower and war-related resources despite NATO support for Kiev. At the level of high diplomacy and statecraft, no recipe for a negotiated settlement of this war is on offer.

China continues to press forward its Belt and Road Initiative and other measures to dominate global trade and infrastructure development. As well, China apparently aspires to become a third global nuclear superpower, with forces essentially equivalent to those of the United States and Russia by 2035 or sooner.

A third concern that should occupy the attention of the next administration is the matrix of challenges to American and allied conventional and nuclear deterrence. Russia’s war against Ukraine, China’s gathering storm for a future strike against Taiwan, and Iran’s wars against Israel via proxies in Gaza, Lebanon, and Yemen, all point to a decline in respect for American power and a willingness to test American resolve by direct or indirect action.

In addition, Iran is already a threshold nuclear weapons state, and an Iranian bomb could set off a reaction among Middle Eastern countries that would make a serious dent in the nuclear nonproliferation regime. Iran’s Houthi proxies in Yemen have diverted maritime commerce throughout the world and have evolved from a fledgling insurgency into a well-armed terrorist strike force capable of ballistic missile and drone attacks throughout the region.

With respect to nuclear deterrence, the fate of the American strategic nuclear modernization program that was supported by the Obama, Trump, and Biden administrations is now uncertain as to its timing and continuing support from Congress. The intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) component (Sentinel) of the nuclear triad faces scrutiny over its rising costs and delayed schedules. The possible collapse of the New START regime in 2026 could presage an open-ended nuclear arms race among China, Russia, and the US.

Other challenges to nuclear deterrence stability include developments in hypersonic offensive weapons, in advanced missile and air defenses, and in space and cyber weapons for deterrence or defense. Kinetic attacks on US space-based assets and cyberattacks against both military and civilian targets can be acts of aggression in themselves; or, on the other hand, they can be precursors for nuclear first strikes or for large-scale conventional offensives against American and allied North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) forces and infrastructure.

In short, (1) managing the balance between governmental and private-sector technology innovation; (2) steering the pivotal role of the United States in a more competitive international system; and (3) supporting credible conventional and nuclear deterrence against more ambitious regional actors and nuclear competitors provides a partial menu of priorities that should receive more attention from policymakers. Demagoguery’s day has passed. It is now time to govern for the betterment of the nation.

Stephen Cimbala, PhD, is a senior fellow at the National Institute for Deterrence Studies and Professor of Political Science at Penn State Brandywine.

The Wrong Agenda for Political Debates was originally published on Global Security Review.

The recent surge in OSINT intake is driven by the exponential growth of digital information, the proliferation of social media, and the increasing availability of online data. These factors have expanded the volume and variety of accessible information, enabling intelligence agencies to glean valuable insights from a vast array of sources, ranging from news articles and social media posts to academic publications and government reports. However, this influx of data necessitates advanced tools and techniques to manage, analyze, and extract actionable intelligence efficiently.

Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Machine Learning (ML) applications are being implemented across the American intelligence community to enhance capabilities, resulting in a significant increase in OSINT intake. Managing this surge requires leveraging advanced technology, enhancing analytical capabilities, and ensuring efficient collaboration. AI and ML algorithms automate data collection, filtering, and initial analysis. The development of natural language processing (NLP) tools to process large volumes of text data in multiple languages will mature over time with appropriate investment. Additional investment in scalable big data platforms that can handle OSINT data will be critical, utilizing cloud-based solutions for storage and processing to ensure scalability and flexibility.

Human capital enhancement is crucial for any strategic intelligence strategy. There must be an increased focus on recruiting and developing specialized training for intelligence analysts in OSINT techniques, tools, and methodologies. Continuous education programs will keep analysts updated on the latest technologies and trends. Expanding hiring efforts to identify experts in data science, cybersecurity, linguistics, and regional studies will increase the talent pool capable of enhancing the analytical capabilities of the intelligence community. By fostering an environment that promotes continuous learning and expertise in emerging technologies, the intelligence community can stay ahead of adversaries and ensure that their analysts have the necessary skills to leverage advanced tools effectively.

Interagency collaboration within the American intelligence community and with trusted allies is vital. Creating joint OSINT task forces involving multiple agencies fosters collaboration and information sharing, leveraging unique capabilities and expertise. Developing standardized protocols and best practices for OSINT collection and analysis enhances situational awareness and reduces duplication of efforts.

By establishing clear lines of communication and cooperation, intelligence agencies can ensure a more unified approach to addressing emerging threats and challenges. This collaboration also extends to international partners, creating a robust intelligence-sharing network that provides a broader perspective and pools resources to counteract the strategic moves of adversaries.

From a strategic perspective, developing secure and user-friendly platforms for sharing OSINT findings across different agencies is essential. Implementing interoperable systems for seamless data exchange, supported by comprehensive policies and guidelines aligned with legal mandates, builds trust between agencies and the public. Ensuring the security and integrity of data and communication channels is paramount, as it protects classified information from cyber intrusions and ensures the resilience of supply chains and critical infrastructure against cyber threats. Enhanced cybersecurity measures are essential for maintaining the trust and operational effectiveness of intelligence operations.

Reversing concerns about the expanding influence of the technology industry is necessary for the defense industry and intelligence community to embrace a collaborative environment that encourages growth, innovation, and trust. The technology industry already has expertise in these domains, which can be leveraged for public-private partnerships to access cutting-edge innovations. By fostering partnerships, the intelligence community can benefit from rapid advancements in technology and stay ahead of emerging threats. Collaboration with the technology industry also provides access to a pool of highly skilled professionals who can contribute to enhancing the capabilities of intelligence agencies.

The intelligence community must embrace public-private partnerships to foster a collaborative environment that encourages innovation. Establishing feedback mechanisms, conducting regular reviews, and setting up innovation labs within intelligence agencies ensures they stay ahead of emerging threats. Feedback mechanisms can include regular debriefings, user surveys, and performance metrics to assess the effectiveness of OSINT strategies. Review processes might involve periodic audits, peer reviews, and after-action reports to identify gaps and areas for improvement. Innovation labs can foster a culture of experimentation and rapid prototyping of new technologies and methodologies. By creating a space for testing and developing new ideas, innovation labs can drive significant advancements in intelligence operations and ensure that agencies are equipped to handle evolving threats.

Continuous improvement and adaptation will be key to maintaining a competitive edge in a dynamic and ever-changing global threat landscape. Establishing feedback mechanisms to continually assess the effectiveness of OSINT strategies and make necessary adjustments is essential. Conducting regular reviews and audits to identify gaps and areas for improvement will ensure that the intelligence community remains agile and responsive to emerging threats and challenges. Enhancing all-source analytical techniques for integrating OSINT with other intelligence sources (HUMINT, SIGINT, etc.) will provide a comprehensive view of the intelligence landscape, bridging the knowledge and awareness gaps that often plague the intelligence community.

To further support these advancements, the intelligence community must also embrace public-private partnerships to leverage the technology industry’s expertise and foster a collaborative environment that encourages innovation. Establishing feedback mechanisms, conducting regular reviews, and setting up innovation labs within intelligence agencies will ensure they stay ahead of emerging threats and challenges. By fostering a culture of experimentation and rapid prototyping, innovation labs can drive significant advancements in intelligence operations and ensure that agencies are equipped to handle evolving threats.

Managing the surge in OSINT requires a holistic approach that combines technological innovation, enhanced human capital, effective interagency collaboration, and robust policy frameworks. By adopting these strategies, the intelligence community can maintain its edge in an increasingly complex and dynamic world.

Joshua Thibert is a Senior Analyst at the National Institute for Deterrence Studies (NIDS). With nearly 30 years of comprehensive expertise, his background encompasses roles as a former counterintelligence special agent within the Department of Defense and as a practitioner in compliance, security, and risk management in the private sector. Views expressed are his own. 

AI Overload: Navigating the US Intelligence Community’s Data Deluge was originally published on Global Security Review.

By incorporating stealth, the KC-Z can operate discreetly in contested airspace, safeguarding both itself and the aircraft it refuels such as the F-22, F-35, B-2, and B-21. Additionally, the enhanced capabilities of the KC-Z significantly extend operational reach, allowing aircraft to operate farther from their bases and demonstrate a rapid response to global threats, thus serving as a powerful deterrent.

Technical specifications and design details for the KC-Z are still under development. However, Lockheed Martin’s proposed design emphasizes stealth as a core feature, incorporating low-observable materials, shaping, and potentially radar-absorbing coatings. The KC-Z is expected to be larger than existing tankers to accommodate a substantial fuel capacity and potentially integrate advanced mission systems, such as enhanced communication and electronic warfare capabilities. The design will likely include features to reduce its infrared and acoustic signatures, further enhancing its stealth capabilities. Details about the refueling mechanism, boom or drogue system, are yet to be finalized, but it is expected to be compatible with various aircraft types, including fighters, bombers, and, potentially, unmanned aerial vehicles.

The KC-Z’s presumed ability to loiter for extended periods enhances the US military’s persistent presence in critical regions, reinforcing extended deterrence commitments to allies and partners. Although the US Congress has halted plans to phase out the current fleet of KC-135s until the USAF can submit a formal acquisition strategy for the KC-Z, the acknowledgement of the KC-Z’s importance as a definitive force multiplier that amplifies air combat capabilities through the enablement of longer flight durations, expanded mission support, and overall greater flexibility, further deterring adversaries, highlights the pivotal role the KC-Z will have by integrating with other advanced platforms by enabling coordinated operations across multiple domains.

While the exact timeline and cost of the KC-Z project remain fluid, current projections estimate the first operational aircraft to be fielded by 2040. The USAF is currently in the initial phases of the acquisition process, with a request for information issued in early 2023. This will be followed by an analysis of alternatives to determine the specific requirements and design of the NGAS, which includes the KC-Z. The development of a stealth aircraft with aerial refueling capabilities is expected to be a complex and costly endeavor, with estimates reaching into the tens of billions of dollars. However, proponents argue that the long-term strategic advantages and enhanced operational capabilities justify the significant investment.

Despite the potential advantages, the development and deployment of the KC-Z faces significant challenges. The high cost associated with developing and maintaining stealth aircraft raises concerns about the project’s overall cost-effectiveness, especially considering the budgetary constraints in the defense budget. Additionally, questions remain about the long-term viability of maintaining the KC-Z’s stealth profile, given the wear and tear of regular operations and potential advancements in radar technology by adversaries. Some argue that investing in alternative refueling solutions, such as unmanned tankers or ground-based refueling systems, might be more practical and cost-efficient. Furthermore, integrating a new, complex platform like the KC-Z into existing air operations could pose logistical and operational challenges, requiring substantial adjustments to training, tactics, and maintenance procedures.

Though the Next-Generation Air-Refueling System (NGAS) includes the KC-Y or “bridge tanker” that will close capability gaps between the future KC-46 and KC-Z, recognizing the importance of stealth design in aerial refueling airframes to the deterrence mission will strengthen the United States deterrence strategy by expanding operational capabilities in contested environments, projecting power globally, maintaining a persistent presence, multiplying force effectiveness, and fostering integrated operations. The KC-Z represents a critical evolution in air refueling, aligning it with the demands of modern warfare.

The development of the KC-Z places the U.S. at the forefront of aerial refueling technology, potentially sparking a new arms race as other nations seek to maintain parity or develop their own stealth tanker capabilities. This could have significant implications for international relations and global security. While the KC-Z is primarily intended for defensive and deterrence purposes, its potential offensive applications could raise concerns among rival nations, further fueling geopolitical tensions. Conversely, the KC-Z could also act as a deterrent by showcasing American technological prowess and bolstering alliances with countries that benefit from extended airpower projection capabilities. The international community will undoubtedly be watching the development and deployment of the KC-Z closely, assessing its potential impact on the global balance of power and the future of aerial warfare.

The introduction of the KC-Z could significantly reshape the USAF’s strategic posture. By enabling stealth aircraft to operate deeper into contested airspace, the KC-Z would expand the reach and effectiveness of airpower, potentially altering the dynamics of air combat and deterrence. This could lead to new operational concepts and tactics, as commanders leverage the KC-Z’s unique capabilities to project power and maintain air superiority in challenging environments.

The ability to conduct extended missions with fewer refueling stops could also streamline logistics and reduce the vulnerability of support aircraft. Furthermore, the KC-Z could play a crucial role in enabling distributed operations, where aircraft disperse across a wider area to minimize the risk of detection and enhance survivability. This shift towards a more agile and resilient force structure could have far-reaching implications for the future of air warfare.

Joshua Thibert is a Contributing Senior Analyst at the National Institute for Deterrence Studies (NIDS). With over 30 years of comprehensive expertise, his background encompasses roles as a former counterintelligence special agent within the Department of Defense and as a practitioner in compliance, security, and risk management in the private sector. The views expressed in this article are his own. 

Lockheed Skunk Works KC-Z: Extending the Range of Deterrence was originally published on Global Security Review.

Integrating AI/ML into low-observable technology presents a promising avenue for enhancing stealth capabilities, but it also comes with its own set of challenges. ML algorithms rely on large volumes of high-quality data for training and validation. Acquiring such data for low-observable technology is challenging due to the classified nature of military operations and the limited availability of real-world stealth measurements.

ML algorithms analyze vast amounts of radar data to identify patterns and anomalies that were previously undetectable. This includes the ability to track stealth aircraft and missiles with greater accuracy and speed. These advancements have significant implications for deterrence strategies as traditional stealth technology may diminish in its effectiveness as AI/ML-powered radar becomes more sophisticated, potentially undermining the deterrent value of stealth aircraft and missiles.

Stealth technology remains a cornerstone of deterrence, allowing military assets to operate relatively undetected. Radar, on the other hand, is the primary tool for detecting and tracking these assets. However, AI/ML are propelling both technologies into new frontiers. AI algorithms can now design and optimize stealth configurations that were previously impossible. This includes the development of adaptive camouflage that dynamically responds to changing environments, making detection even more challenging.

Furthermore, stealth technology encompasses a multitude of intricately designed principles and trade-offs, including radar cross-section (RCS) reduction, infrared signature management, and reduction of acoustic variables. Developing ML algorithms capable of comprehensively modeling and optimizing these complex interactions poses a significant challenge. Moreover, translating theoretical stealth concepts into practical design solutions that can be effectively learned by ML models requires specialized domain knowledge and expertise.

As ML-based stealth design techniques become more prevalent, adversaries may employ adversarial ML strategies to exploit vulnerabilities and circumvent the defenses afforded to stealth aircraft. Adversarial attacks involve deliberately perturbing input data to deceive ML models and undermine their performance. Mitigating these threats requires the development of robust countermeasures and adversarial training techniques to enhance the resilience of ML-based stealth systems.

Additional complexities are inherent in the fact that ML algorithms often operate as “black boxes,” making it challenging to interpret their decision-making processes and understand the underlying rationale behind their predictions. In the context of stealth technology, where design decisions have significant operational implications, the lack of interpretability and explainability poses a barrier to trust and acceptance. Ensuring transparency and interpretability in ML-based stealth design methodologies is essential for fostering confidence among stakeholders and facilitating informed decision-making.

Implementing ML algorithms for stealth optimization involves computationally intensive tasks, including data preprocessing, model training, and simulation-based optimization. As low-observable technology evolves to encompass increasingly sophisticated designs and multi-domain considerations, the computational demands of ML-based approaches may escalate exponentially. Balancing computational efficiency with modeling accuracy and scalability is essential for practical deployment in real-world military applications.

Integrating AI and ML into military systems raises complex regulatory and ethical considerations, particularly regarding autonomy, accountability, and compliance with international laws and conventions. Ensuring that ML-based stealth technologies adhere to ethical principles, respect human rights, and comply with legal frameworks governing armed conflict is paramount. Moreover, establishing transparent governance mechanisms and robust oversight frameworks is essential to addressing concerns related to the responsible use of AI in military applications.

Addressing these challenges requires a concerted interdisciplinary effort, bringing together expertise from diverse fields such as aerospace engineering, computer science, data science, and ethics. By overcoming these obstacles, AI/ML has the potential to revolutionize low-observable technology, enhancing the stealth capabilities of military aircraft and ensuring their effectiveness in an increasingly contested operational environment. On the other hand, AI/ML has the potential to significantly impact radar technology, posing challenges to conventional low-observable and stealth aircraft designs in the future.

AI/ML algorithms can enhance radar signal processing capabilities by improving target detection, tracking, and classification in cluttered environments. Analyzing complex radar returns and discerning subtle patterns indicative of stealth aircraft, these algorithms can mitigate the challenges posed by low-observable technology, making it more difficult for stealth aircraft to evade detection.

ML algorithms can optimize radar waveforms in real time based on environmental conditions, target characteristics, and mission objectives. Dynamically adjusting waveform parameters such as frequency, amplitude, and modulation, radar systems can exploit vulnerabilities in stealth designs—increasing the probability of detection. This adaptive approach enhances radar performance against evolving threats, including stealth aircraft with sophisticated countermeasures.

Cognitive radar systems leverage AI/ML techniques to autonomously adapt their operation and behavior in response to changing operational environments. These systems learn from past experiences, anticipate future scenarios, and optimize radar performance adaptively. Continuously evolving their tactics and strategies, cognitive radar systems can outmaneuver stealth aircraft and exploit weaknesses in their low-observable characteristics.

AI/ML facilitates the coordination and synchronization of multi-static and distributed radar networks, comprising diverse sensors deployed across different platforms and locations. By fusing information from multiple radar sources and exploiting the principles of spatial diversity, these networks can enhance target detection and localization capabilities. This collaborative approach enables radar systems to overcome the limitations of individual sensors and effectively detect stealth aircraft operating in contested environments.

ML techniques can be employed to develop countermeasures against stealth technology by identifying vulnerabilities and crafting effective detection strategies. By generating adversarial examples and training radar systems to recognize subtle cues indicative of stealth aircraft, researchers can develop robust detection algorithms capable of outperforming traditional radar techniques. ML provides a proactive defense mechanism against stealth threats, potentially rendering conventional low-observable technology obsolete.

AI and ML enable the construction of data-driven models and simulations that accurately capture the electromagnetic signatures and propagation phenomena associated with stealth aircraft. By leveraging large datasets comprising radar measurements, electromagnetic simulations, and physical modeling, researchers can develop comprehensive models of stealth characteristics and devise innovative counter-detection strategies. These data-driven approaches provide valuable insights into the vulnerabilities of stealth technology and inform the design of more effective radar systems.

In the quest for technological superiority in modern warfare, the integration of AI and ML into radar technology holds significant promise with the potential to challenge conventional low-observable and stealth aircraft designs by enhancing radar-detection capabilities. AI and ML algorithms improve radar signal processing, optimize radar waveforms in real time, and enable radar systems to autonomously adapt their operation. By leveraging multi-static and distributed radar networks and employing adversarial ML techniques, researchers can develop robust detection algorithms capable of outperforming traditional radar systems. Moreover, data-driven modeling and simulation provide insights into the vulnerabilities of stealth technology, informing the design of more effective radar systems.

The rapid advancement of AI/ML is revolutionizing both stealth and radar technologies, with profound implications for deterrence strategies. Traditionally, deterrence has relied on the balance of power and the credible threat of retaliation. However, the integration of AI/ML into these technologies is fundamentally altering the dynamics of detection, evasion, and response, thereby challenging the established tenets of deterrence. Of further concern is the consideration that non-stealth assets become increasingly vulnerable to detection and targeting as ML-powered radar systems become more prevalent. This could lead to a greater reliance on stealth technology, further accelerating the arms race.

This rapid development of AI/ML-powered technologies could destabilize the existing balance of power, leading to heightened tensions and miscalculations. The changing technological landscape may necessitate the development of new deterrence strategies that incorporate AI and ML. This could include a greater emphasis on cyber warfare and the development of counter-AI and counter-ML capabilities.

The integration of AI/ML into stealth and radar technologies will be a game-changer for deterrence. To maintain stability and prevent conflict, policymakers and military strategists must adapt to this new reality of a continuous arms race, wherein both offensive and defensive capabilities are constantly evolving in pursuit of technological superiority. Continued investment in AI/ML research is essential to stay ahead of the curve and maintain a credible deterrent posture. International cooperation on the development and use of AI/ML technologies in military applications is crucial to limit the scope of a potential arms race that regularly shifts the balance of power and destabilizes global security.

Joshua Thibert is a Contributing Senior Analyst at the National Institute for Deterrence Studies (NIDS) and doctoral candidate at Missouri State University. His extensive academic and practitioner experience spans strategic intelligence, multiple domains within defense and strategic studies, and critical infrastructure protection. The views expressed in this article are the author’s own

The Double-edged Sword of Artificial Intelligence was originally published on Global Security Review.

“America’s Strategic Posture Report: Get Behind It” by Jonathan Trexel highlights the urgent need for the US to revise its strategic posture in response to escalating global threats. It emphasizes the changing international security environment, underscoring the necessity for the US to adapt its defense planning. The report suggests enhancing conventional, nuclear, and strategic defense forces to address these threats, including those from Russia, China, North Korea, and Iran. The recommendations also cover aspects like modernizing nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and developing offensive and defensive space assets. The author argues for the urgent adoption of these measures to maintain national and global security.

“Congressional Dysfunction Impacts American Defense in the Pacific” by Christophe Bosquillon highlights concerns about American defense strategy in the Pacific, specifically due to congressional delays in funding the Compacts of Free Association (COFA) with Pacific island-states. The article underscores the strategic importance of these island-states, such as Palau, for American defense, particularly against China. Bosquillon argues that congressional inaction undermines American commitments in the region, potentially inviting Chinese influence and jeopardizing American security interests in the Pacific.

“Deterrence in Space: It’s Not Complicated” by Michael J. Listner examines the concept of space deterrence, arguing it’s a simple yet often over-complicated idea. He discusses the importance of understanding different perspectives on deterrence, especially from adversaries like Russia and China. Listner emphasizes the need for the US to have the capability and will to apply force in space. He critiques the reliance on resilience as a method of deterrence, stating it’s not a substitute for actual defensive and offensive capabilities in space. The article advocates for a straightforward approach to deterrence in space, stressing the importance of capability, will, and communication.

“Japanese Space Strategy: Deploying a Credible Deterrent” by Christophe Bosquillon analyzes Japan’s evolving space strategy in the context of regional security challenges, particularly threats from North Korea and China. The article discusses Japan’s shift from pacifist policies to developing credible deterrence in space, including the use of anti-satellite capabilities and enhancing space situational awareness. It underscores the importance of Japan’s cooperation with the US for security in the Indo-Pacific region and highlights the challenges Japan faces in establishing a credible deterrent in space.

“Nano Aquabots and the US-China Science and Technology Cooperation Agreement” by Alexis Littlefield explores the dual-use nature of nano aquabots and other advanced technologies, emphasizing the risks and benefits of the US-China Science and Technology Cooperation Agreement. Littlefield discusses how these technologies, while beneficial for society, can also be weaponized. The article critically examines the implications of US government-funded research in collaboration with China, highlighting concerns about intellectual property transfer and national security. The author’s perspective sheds light on the complexities of international science and technology agreements and their impact on strategic interests.

“Russia and the Growing Danger of Satellite Cyber-Attacks” by Alexis Schlotterback highlights the increasing threat of Russian cyber operations targeting satellites. The article explores various satellite cyberattack methods such as data interception, data corruption, and seizure of control. It emphasizes Russia’s advanced capabilities in cyber warfare, including the use of GPS jammers and potential hacking of American satellite control systems. The discussion includes the need for enhanced security measures in satellite infrastructure to protect against these threats.

“The Comprehensive Strategy for the Space Force: The Good and Bad” by Christopher Stone critically evaluates the US Space Force’s strategy as outlined in a congressional report. Stone highlights the positives, such as acknowledging the Space Force’s role in supporting terrestrial forces. However, he points out significant gaps, arguing that the Space Force should focus more on warfighting capabilities to counter growing space threats from China and Russia, rather than merely supporting other forces. He emphasizes the need for combat-credible space forces capable of offensive and defensive operations, asserting that this should be the primary mission of the Space Force.

“The Danger of Minimum Deterrence” by Peter Huessy critiques the concept of minimal deterrence in nuclear strategy. Huessy argues that reducing the US nuclear arsenal to a minimal level undermines the credibility of the U.S. nuclear umbrella, impacts the deterrence of conventional conflict, and ignores the need for strategic stability. He emphasizes that a robust nuclear arsenal is crucial for credible deterrence and argues against the reduction of nuclear forces as part of a path to disarmament.

“The Faux Nuclear Arms Race that Isn’t” by Adam Lowther and Col (Ret) Curtis McGiffin challenges the notion of a new nuclear arms race, arguing that the current situation is not comparable to the Cold War era. They critique the assertion of an arms race, highlighting the significant reduction in nuclear weapons since the Cold War and the lack of expansion in US nuclear capabilities. The authors emphasize the importance of arms control agreements that align with US interests, and they critique the viewpoint that more nuclear weapons are inherently destabilizing, suggesting that strength, not weakness, deters conflict.

“The Pentagon’s China Military Report: Why Americans Should Be Alarmed” by Curtis McGiffin and Adam Lowther is a critical analysis of the Department of Defense’s 2023 report on China’s military developments. The authors highlight the significant increase in China’s nuclear capabilities and potential first-strike aspirations, which contradict its “No First Use” policy. They argue that the US needs a coherent strategy to counter this threat, emphasizing the urgency for more robust American deterrence measures in response to China’s rapid military expansion.

“The Strategic Posture Commission and the China Breakout” by Peter Huessy discusses the rapid expansion of China’s nuclear capabilities and its implications for US strategic posture. Huessy highlights the significant growth of China’s nuclear arsenal and the development of advanced delivery systems. He emphasizes the need for the US to enhance its nuclear deterrence and missile defense capabilities in response to China’s expanding nuclear force. The article urges the US to consider strategic adjustments to maintain a credible deterrent against the evolving threat posed by China.

“The Value of Panda Diplomacy” by Alexis Littlefield explores the geopolitical symbolism of pandas in Sino-American relations. The article discusses how pandas leased to zoos, such as Tian Tian and Mei Xiang in Washington DC, represent diplomatic ties between China and the US. The return of these pandas to China signifies a shift in relations, especially in the context of China’s global influence and the Belt and Road Initiative. Littlefield examines the broader implications of these changes, suggesting pandas as indicators of China’s international relationships.

“Understanding the Strategic Posture Commission Report” by Peter Huessy addresses the Congressional Commission’s findings on the strategic challenges posed by China and Russia. It highlights the United States’ unpreparedness in nuclear deterrence against these peer adversaries. The report recommends strengthening the nuclear triad, deploying air and missile defense systems, and increasing cooperation with allies. It emphasizes the urgency of these recommendations and the need for phased modernization of US nuclear capabilities, considering the evolving strategic environment and the growing threats from China and Russia.

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Global Security Review 2023 Article Compendium was originally published on Global Security Review.

Nano aquabots are a dual-use technology that can both serve humanity and cause harm. Research on 3-lamellar morphology of miktoarm terpolymers is also dual-use technology. Manipulating the crystalline morphology in a non-fullerene acceptor (NFA) mixture to improve carrier transport and suppress energetic disorder is itself a dual-use technology. Ignoring all of the scientific language, it is important to understand that these are dual-use technologies.

All these technologies are funded in large part by the US government, in collaboration with the Chinese government and institutions. The dual-use nature of these examples is instructive. First, nano aquabots perform a variety of tasks in aquatic environments, ranging from environmental monitoring to targeted drug delivery within the human body. Weaponizing nano aquabots would lead to new and bizarre sci-fi warfare.

3-lamellar morphology of Miktoarm terpolymers have unique mechanical strength, thermal stability, and chemical resistance, which are pivotal in applications ranging from aerospace because of their lightweight yet strong components to biomedicine potentially revolutionizing certain medical treatments and interventions. The 3-lamellar morphology of these terpolymers paves the way for advancements in nanotechnology.

The primary benefit of manipulating crystalline morphology in NFA mixtures lies in the enhancement of carrier mobility. Energetic disorder refers to the variation in energy levels within a material. For example, this disorder can impede the performance of organic solar cells by trapping charge carriers and reducing their mobility. Suppression of energetic disorder advances stealth technology. It can also be used to harden electronics to withstand extreme temperatures, humidity, and other environmental stressors.

We are at the beginning of a multifaceted quantum revolution in science (MQRS). This multifaceted scientific revolution is fueled by its own discoveries in artificial intelligence, machine learning, quantum mechanics, and quantum computing. Imagine a hypothetical quantum battery that has the capacity to recycle its own energy as it continues to accelerate and deliver sustained power for exponential acceleration. The MQRS will, hypothetically, accelerate scientific discovery exponentially.

What are some of these facets that make this scientific revolution multifaceted? MQRS facets include revolutions in genetics, such as with techniques like CRISPR and gene therapy, biotechnology, nanotechnology, quantum mechanics, quantum computing, robotics, autonomous systems, space exploration, astrophysics, neuroscience, and brain-computer interfaces.

Unclassified research is available in peer reviewed academic journals such as the American Chemical Society’s (ACS) Nano, Synthetic Biology, Macromolecules, Small Science, Emerging Microbes and Infections, Immunological Reviews, Journal of Computational Physics, Advanced Science, Advanced Materials, Advanced Electronic Materials, and many more. Funding research trickles down from the Department of Energy to labs such as the Oak Ridge National Laboratory, which, since 2000, is operated by the University of Tennessee and the Battelle Memorial Institute.

Other partners and funding include the Army Research Office, the Air Force Office of Scientific Research and Basic Energy Sciences. Partners on the Chinese side include Hong Kong’s Research Grants Council, University Grants Committee, Croucher Foundation, Beijing’s National Natural Science Foundation of China directly under the administration of the PRC’s Ministry of Science and Technology, and the Foreign Technology Cooperation Plan of Guangzhou, China.

This sensitive and advanced research has the blessing of the US Congress under the US-China Science and Technology Cooperation Agreement (STCA). Under this legislation, Congress requires the Departments of State, Defense, and Commerce and the Central Intelligence Agency to report to Congress biennially on how the US-China STCA benefits the PRC economy, military, and industrial base, including the role of technology transfer and compliance with American export controls.  According to the Congressional Research Service’s (CRS), Karen M. Sutter and John F. Sargent Jr., “These reports have not been public; some that have been made public through Freedom of Information Act requests mostly do not provide the required assessments.”

The United States sees this as a tool to foster ties, address climate change, and advance science for overall well-being. According to Sutter and Sargent’s report, the benefits to American researchers is that they have access to large pools of research subjects and longitudinal health studies from China. This also means that Chinese researchers have access to American medical data, from databases such as those acquired through the 2013 BGI-Shenzhen acquisition of US-based Complete Genomics. Also noted in the CRS report, as China develops domestic scientific competencies, it increasingly seeks to restrict US access. In 2019, China cut off US access to coronavirus research, including US-funded work at the Wuhan Institute of Virology. China withheld avian influenza strains required for American vaccines.

The MQRS will potentially accelerate until it hits an unforeseen black swan of a brick wall. China’s intentions toward the United States are not of the black swan variety; instead, they are of the plain-as-day white swan variety that Americans choose to ignore. And this is at a time when risks and rewards of the MQRS are growing more pronounced.

In short, Congress should remove China from its Science and Technology Cooperation Agreement. Americans should not take part in driving Chinese technical expertise forward. American tax dollars are also assisting China’s AI-driven research in advanced fields such as energy-dissipative evolutionary deep operator neural networks. Such work has application to military purposes. It would be foolish to believe the Chinese will not use all of the technologies discussed here to further their advantage over the United States.

China wants to overturn the liberal international order. American naivete is one way to make sure they succeed.

Alex Littlefield, PhD, is the Chief of Staff at the National Institute for Deterrence Studies and a Fellow of the Institute. He spent more than two decades in Taiwan and China.

Nano Aquabots and the US-China Science and Technology Cooperation Agreement was originally published on Global Security Review.