The partnership is a result of a long-standing history of defense partnerships but does not represent a paradigm shift in defense collaborations. However, the nature of this defense collaboration continues to evolve concerning the relationship of Pakistan to the United States and India. Examining the India-US defense partnership with an eye to the history, agreement details, and overall implications is worth the effort. Chanakya’s philosophical concepts, which are discussed below, are also instructive.

History

The United States and India are not new defense partners. The current agreement is an extension of those older agreements. This series of partnerships began in 2002 under the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA), the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA), the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA), and the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA).

The most recent agreement expands the areas of cooperative defense to cyber and maritime security issues. This agreement will help bring the American and Indian militaries into alignment and make their defense capabilities and strategies align more effectively.

This US-India defense partnership is one of the ways that India can move toward greater defense independence and create “self-reliant” defense industries. The goal of this effort is to encourage the development of defense systems produced domestically or developed through technology transfers from other countries and to allow India to produce and export these products globally.

The US-India partnership also anticipates India having an upgraded military, being able to project maritime power more effectively, and enhancing its ability to deter aggression. The improvements in India’s military capabilities and its nuclear posture align with India’s pursuit of strategic autonomy; however, India’s evolving security environment is beginning to mirror the American security environment.

The partnership between the US and India will also help to reinforce the Quad framework (US, Japan, Australia, and India) as a key element of American Indo-Pacific Strategy, creating a free, open, and rules-based regional order. It is also anticipated that increased defense cooperation between the US and India will provide an enhanced collective deterrent against Chinese assertiveness and will enable the US and India to conduct more frequent and extensive joint naval and air exercises, such as the Malabar exercise.

Similar to other forms of strategic wisdom that are based upon the doctrines of Chanakya, the US-India defense agreement appears to reflect the concepts of not engaging directly with an adversary, depleting an adversary’s resources, and winning when the circumstances are appropriate. As such, it appears that India is employing a similar approach (building partnerships, establishing a defense industrial base, attaining strategic independence, and then waiting until the opportunity presents itself to engage) with similar replenishment concepts (economic and diplomatic) that were outlined in Chanakya’s playbook to allow India to capitalize on a potential weakening of the enemy due to internal politics.

While this agreement does provide a framework for cooperation and addresses some of the regional security concerns, including India’s negative view of China as an aggressive actor in the Indo-Pacific, the agreement does not establish a legally binding security arrangement, like the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

Rather, the agreement reflects an increasing level of strategic convergence and represents a cooperative structure for defense. Media coverage of the agreement frequently exaggerates the significance of the agreement, while downplaying the fact that defense relationships between the US and India are not new and have little impact on the strategic balance between India and Pakistan.

While some in Pakistan see this latest agreement as a threat, the best option for Pakistan is to employ diplomacy, act in good faith to prevent future terror attacks in Indian territory, and avoid escalating tensions due to a false perception of encirclement. Positive dialogue with India and other regional actors will decrease the chance of conflict and build trust.

The US can serve as a stabilizing force to create dialogue between India and Pakistan and enhance regional cooperative mechanisms. Regional actors, such as China, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka, etc., need to develop new policies to maintain an equilibrium in South Asia and not take action that exacerbates existing regional tensions.

The latest US-India agreement serves as a foundation for increased cooperation and may benefit regional stability and the overall security of the Indo-Pacific region. The degree to which this defense agreement has the ability to positively contribute to the strategic stability of South Asia depends on successful implementation of its provisions and the degree to which the United States and India can work with other regional states to address emerging challenges.

Harsa Kakar is as an Assistant Research Fellow at Balochistan Think Tank Network (BTTN), Quetta. The views expressed are personal. She can be reached at Kakarhsa01@gmail.com.

The Impact of the India-US Growing Strategic Partnership on South Asia was originally published on Global Security Review.

The Decline of Bilateral Trust and Regional Diplomacy

The breakdown of already fragile India-Pakistan diplomatic relations was the most immediate strategic victim of the Pahalgam assault. India’s quick charge that Pakistani-backed terrorists planned the assault brought up historical complaints. Within days, both countries cancelled diplomatic talks, visa access, and expelled officials.

While Islamabad reacted by stopping trade, suspending the Shimla Agreement, and restricting its airspace to Indian flights, New Delhi repudiated the Indus Waters Treaty—long thought a bedrock of bilateral cooperation. These responses show a rising lack of confidence between the two nuclear-armed neighbors.

Formal diplomatic channels are now frozen, therefore removing avenues for crisis de-escalation. Especially along the unstable Line of Control, an area quite prone to miscalculations and without institutionalized communication. The assault has not only weakened confidence-building initiatives but also confirmed every country’s geopolitical position, hence lowering the probability of near-term rapprochement.

Rising Nationalism and Domestic Political Fallout

Both India and Pakistan used the Pahalgam disaster as a political fulcrum. The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India used public anger to support its strong-on-security image. The government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi reacted with militarized rhetoric and increased security operations in Kashmir. Among Indian voters, the story of avenging the martyrdom of civilians solicits a strong appeal and increases the political capital of Modi’s desire for greater internal security, including increased police authority in Kashmir.

The government of Pakistan characterized India’s claims as slander and a diversionary strategy. Denying complicity, Pakistan’s government mobilized internal support against fear of Indian aggression, accusing India of orchestrating a “false flag” strike. These stories polarize both sides and provide little space for moderation or bilateral diplomacy. The assault strengthened a populist-nationalist cycle in which every government raises internal power by means of external dangers.

Strategic Setbacks and Economic Disturbance

The Pahalgam attack has several financial repercussions. Most directly, Kashmir’s tourist industry suffered. An attack on tourists diminished confidence precisely when the area was recovering from low confidence in security by tourists. Cancellations of travel already resulted in significant losses for local companies relying on tourism—hotels, guides, and transporters.

The psychological effect of the assault will dissuade not only internal mobility but also investment in Kashmir’s faltering economy. Regionally, the decrease of commercial connections between India and Pakistan, already limited since 2019, further compromises economic integration.

Visa cancellations by Pakistan and restriction of flight access interfere with trade flows and logistical infrastructure. In industries like energy and infrastructure needing cross-border collaboration, the diplomatic conflicts have a cooling impact on foreign direct investment (FDI). Multilateral projects like the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), already under pressure from India-Pakistan rivalry, now confront an existential crisis. Stagnation and lost chances for cooperation, especially in commerce, water sharing, and digital connectivity, hurt the regional economy.

Increasing Social Division and Insecurity

The attack’s societal effects are equally grave. It set off a flood of anti-Pakistan and anti-Muslim feeling in India. Some right-wing Indians see the whole Kashmiri community as terrorists. Among Indian Muslims and Kashmiris, the incident has heightened feelings of alienation and helped to create a divided national identity. In the days following the assault, reports of harassment, stereotyping, and hate speech skyrocketed.

The government’s counter-narrative of Indian aggression also generated nationalism and skepticism about cross-border communication in Pakistan as well. As distrust rises, civil society projects encouraging people-to-people communication struggled. Both cultures are thus being driven into echo chambers, where polarization and rhetoric distort nuance and cause more chaos.

Issues in Counterterrorism and Security Realignment

The Pahalgam incident shows major shortcomings in regional security systems. The attack exposed India’s shortcomings in intelligence and the protection of soft targets. The Indian government reacted by dispatching more soldiers to Kashmir, raising checkpoints, and vowing to eradicate the last militant networks. Such actions, however, can irritate locals and aggravate conflicts.

The assault also highlights a tactical change in insurgency strategy, specifically the intentional targeting of visitors and civilians to undermine the narrative of peace. This implies a desire to create broad concern and provoke a socio-political response, marking a departure from assaults primarily directed at military or security institutions.

Counterterrorism initiatives, therefore, must evolve to fit this evolving threat profile by balancing military responses with intelligence-based interventions and community involvement. On the other hand, Pakistan is attracting more outside attention over the existence of terror organizations inside its borders. The assault raises questions about Islamabad’s claims to be a responsible actor and could compromise its attempts to draw international investment or receive preferential treatment from organizations such as the Financial Action Task Force (FATF). The scenario calls for a recalibration of Pakistan’s internal security strategy to neutralize non-state actors and reassure the world community of its commitment to counterterrorism.

Regional Cooperation in Crisis

The Pahalgam incident could set off a shift in South Asia’s regional security framework despite the grave effects. Though India and Pakistan vary, the entire regional community, including Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka, has a stake in preserving stability. These nations may suggest fresh security pacts emphasizing crisis management and counterterrorism; bring back SAARC talks; or work together to encourage de-escalation.

Furthermore, countries like the United States, China, and the Gulf states have a special chance to intervene quietly. The United Nations’ appeal for caution and regional collaboration emphasizes the prospect of global involvement in lowering tensions. After all, it was between India and Pakistan that many analysts thought would see the first use of nuclear weapons since 1945—prior to Vladimir Putin’s nuclear threats over Ukraine. Civil society, think tanks, and academic conferences can also help to fill the diplomatic vacuum by providing frameworks for communication, conducting collaborative danger assessments, and promoting cross-border awareness.

A Crossroads for South Asia

Undoubtedly, the Pahalgam terror incident altered South Asia’s security scene. Its effects are being felt well beyond the blood-soaked fields of Kashmir—disturbing governments, economies, and cultures throughout the subcontinent. It has revived old conflicts, exposed new weaknesses, and challenged regional players to face the fragility of peace.

Within this uncertainty is a chance to rethink security in terms of trust, inclusion, and cooperation rather than only in military ones. South Asia’s challenge is to make sure this tragedy propels a more stable, secure, and cooperative regional order rather than just another chapter in a cycle of retribution that always has the chance of going nuclear. Whether that vision comes true relies on the decisions its leaders make in the next weeks and months.

Arman Ahmed is the Founder and President of Dhaka Thinks, a Research Analyst at the Spykman Center, and a Research Fellow, International Council on Human Rights, Peace, and Politics. Views expressed by the author are their own.

The Pahalgam Attack and Its Impact on South Asia’s Security Landscape was originally published on Global Security Review.